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Event addresses McGill’s impact on environment

Victor Temprano / McGill Tribune

On Feb. 16, McGill’s Office of Sustainability held the third of four Sustainability XChange sessions, discussing the McGill community’s impact on climate change and ways to reduce its overall carbon emissions.

Jerome Conraud, an Energy Manager at McGill, opened the session with a presentation on McGill University’s level of greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions for the year 2010.

Currently, definitions of the scope of emissions are not finalized, and many categories of emissions are loosely defined, leaving room for interpretation. Conraud emphasized that his office is examining the process.

Conraud stressed that McGill’s greatest burdens on the community-at-large are “scope one” emissions  which include emissions from heating, ventillation and air-conditioning systems (HVAC), refrigerants, McGill-owned vehicles, and livestock. These emissions cause over three fourths of McGill’s total emissions making them the most environmentally damaging.

“If [emissions are] “scope one,” then we are directly responsible, and we should report on that,” Conraud said. “The goal is to show that we are a good part of the community.”

Emmanuelle Lapointe, a visiting faculty member with McGill’s faculty of engineering’s school of architecture, explained that McGill requires distributors of construction materials to make information about their impact available to McGill via the Internet. This measure increases accountability when planning campus-wide renovations or construction projects.

“All distributors of construction materials who provide to McGill … can go on that website and input their products,” she said. “It gives us their environmental and health [risks].” 

Lapointe added that McGill reuses as many materials as possible.

While various federal, provincial, and municipal governments require in-depth reviews of McGill’s GHG emissions, the university has also cultivated ties with other schools in reporting to various environmental NGOs. Conraud added that he hopes to present a review— one more thorough and accessible than all others—for the McGill community.

Kathleen Ng, McGill’s Environmental Officer, argued that the provincial government, which provides McGill with the majority of its funding, increasingly makes the job of the Office of Sustainability more difficult as McGill’s environmental performance consistently exceeds provincial expectations.

“Because our operating budgets for electricity are given by the Ministry of Education, and we do not use all the money allocated, they cut our budgets,” Ng said.

In addition, while the university continually decreases its ecological footprint at a minimal cost, McGill has had to search for cheaper energy. A number of attendees raised concerns after viewing Conraud’s presentation over the sources of energy used by the university.

“Approximately 50 per cent of all the energy we consume [comes from] fossil fuels, and the answer [to why that is the case] is that it is cheaper … Some students were promoting carbon neutrality, but that would be expensive,” Conraud said. “McGill as an institution and a community needs to define what our goals are.”

Ng underlined the need for student intervention. McGill staff seek change in the McGill community, but students, she said, who carry the most weight, rarely participate in discussions.

“We used to have a committee on the environment with students, staff, and faculty to brainstorm ways to keep the lines of communication open,” Ng said. “What we are interested in seeing is getting students engaged … towards finding alternatives to what we already have.”

As the university’s clients, she continued, students’ suggestions and concerns often carry more weight on campus than those from staff and faculty.

“Sustainability is everyone’s job,” Ng said.

a, News

Protest against public service privatization turns violent

On the morning of Feb. 16, students and other activists gathered outside the Montreal Stock Exchange to protest the privatization of public services in Quebec, including issues such as rising Hydro Québec prices, healthcare costs, and tuition fees. The protest culminated with police pepper spraying some of the the activists.

The activists united as one group under the title “The Coalition Against User Fees and Privatization of Public Services.” According to their website, the coalition is composed of 156 community organizations, unions, and student and feminist groups.

The group hoped to raise awareness for its causes by preventing employees of the stock exchange from arriving to work for the day. The protest began at approximately 8:00 a.m. and quickly spread from the front of the Montreal Exchange to the adjacent Delta Centre-Ville Hotel.

In front of the Exchange, a crowd of a few hundred students and other social activists held up banners and signs while chanting slogans, placing themselves in front of all entrances and denying entry to the building.

“We’re here to contest the raise in tuition,” a protestor from the Université du Québec à Montreal’s (UQAM) student union AFESH (L’Association Facultaire Étudiante Des Sciences Humaines) who requested to remain anonymous, said. “It’s about accessibility—we have a lot of parents at UQAM, and we’re fighting strongly for them so they can support their kids and have an education also.” 

The group was carrying a banner and had positioned themselves to block the entrance of the underground parking area connected to the Exchange.

“We want education to be accessible for everyone and that’s our main goal,” Anne Sarah Brian, a student from Collège de Maisonneuve, said. “We want the government to return to the fees of 2007.”

“We want the government to tax the natural resources of this country … it’s not a lack of funds. It’s the fact that the funds are not put in the right places,” Corinne Trubiano, another protestor, said. 

Around the back of the building, the situation was less peaceful. Many employees of the Exchange had been using the attached Delta Centre-Ville Hotel to reach their workplace, so protesters had blocked it as well. By 11:00 a.m. there was a tense standoff between police and protesters, with police cordoning off the hotel entrance from two groups of protestors who had gathered in the driveway.

“This is really where the main confrontation is,” McGill student Becca Yu said. “We’re hoping that by shutting down this building for the day, it’ll put pressure on the government to reverse these policies … without actually directly blocking the building, it’s so easy to just ignore a big crowd of people.”

By 11:30 a.m. the Montreal police decided to extend the cordon around the hotel in order to allow hotel guests to enter and leave. Starting on the right side of the entrance, they pushed protestors back out of the driveway so that guests, including a children’s hockey team, could leave the hotel.

At roughly 11:45 a.m. this tactic was repeated on the other side of the hotel entrance, but police met greater resistance and were actually pushed back by the crowd of protestors for some time. After addressing them through a megaphone, police used pepper spray to clear the protesters.

“They pushed us further and further away,” Dan Parker, coordinator of 99%, the official publication of Occupy Montreal, said. “Some of the more militant activists started pushing back and of course that’s when the pepper spray came out and people started running for it. Fortunately, there [are] medics here and they’re taking care of people with Malox.”

By 12:15 p.m., the protestors from the front of the Montreal Exchange joined those who had been blockading the entrance to the Delta Centre-Ville, and proceeded to march around the area, stalling traffic for a while.

“University is a good time [for students] to get involved, and especially to fight the tuition costs being raised,” Parker said. “I would invite all students to find out from their local organizations who are mobilizing around the tuition fees to find out how it relates to the privatization of our services … Education is a right, and we shouldn’t watch more people get more in debt and lose their access to education.”

a, News

Raging Grannies protest Quebec asbestos industry

Sam Reynolds / McGill Tribune

On Feb. 15, a group of Montreal activists called the Raging Grannies staged a singing protest at the Roddick Gates to condemn the asbestos industry’s influence at McGill. The Grannies sang about the harmful effects of asbestos and criticized the use of Canadian taxes to support projects like the planned reopening of the Jeffrey Asbestos Mine in Asbestos Quebec, which would facilitate the export of asbestos to countries where its use is not regulated.

“Fee, fie, fiddlie-i-o, our taxes have better places to go,” the women chanted.

They also condemned the asbestos industry with chants like “stop exporting death from Quebec!”

The protest follows anti-asbestos activists’  call for the removal of asbestos exporter Roshi Chadha from the McGill Board of Governors. Chadha took a leave of absence from the board in early February, following two letters to McGill calling for her removal—one from medical doctors and health care researchers and one from individuals who have lost family members from asbestos-related diseases. Chadha is the director of Seja Trade Ltd., a company that exported asbestos from the Jeffrey Mine in Asbestos, Quebec, until the mine’s operations were suspended last fall. Her public relations agent has stated that the company is not responsible for what happens as a result of the asbestos once it is overseas.

Elizabeth Vezina, one of the Raging Grannies, said that she was very concerned about what effect asbestos has outside the McGill and Montreal communities. Companies like Chadha’s export asbestos to developing countries like India, where the material is used for purposes such as cement roofing in schools. While the use of asbestos is outlawed in Quebec, there are no regulations stopping mining companies from exporting it elsewhere.

“There’s no such thing as safe handling of [asbestos],” Vezina said. “We’re sending it to countries that don’t have the same regulations as we do here. We’re spreading misery.”

The protest comes following demands for an independent investigation into McGill’s ties with the asbestos industry. In 1965, the Quebec Asbestos Mining Association (QAMA) partly funded the research of McGill Professor of Epidemiology J.C. McDonald on chrysotile asbestos, which makes up 95 per cent of asbestos sold in the world and 100 per cent of the trade in the past two decades. 

This research has been criticized for minimizing the negative health effects of asbestos, and for its continued use by lobbying groups to defend mining and exporting asbestos. Dr. David Eidelman, Vice-Principal (Health Affairs) and dean of medicine issued a statement about the controversy. 

“It is true that Prof. McDonald drew different conclusions about the possible safe use of asbestos than most authorities do today,” Eidelman wrote. “Holding scientific views that are different from those of the majority does not constitute research misconduct.”

Eidelman recently announced an internal investigation of the research, to be led by Prof. Rebecca Fuhrer, chair of the department of epidemiology. 

As an asbestos exporter, Chadha is seeking to reopen the Jeffrey mine, which provided more than half of the funds for QAMA before its activities were suspended last fall. However, there is strong opposition to the project. The Quebec Medical Association has stated that this project goes against public interest and will lead to asbestos-related deaths, and all of Quebec’s Directors of Public Health agree that the project will increase asbestos-related diseases.

Although plans to reopen the Jeffrey mine continue, Vezina feels encouraged by growing opposition to asbestos use in India.

“There are many groups in India working very hard to get the import banned, so once they get the mine up and running, hopefully they won’t be able to export [the asbestos] anyway,” she said.

While asbestos might not be a daily concern for McGill students, Vezina feels that it is nonetheless important for them to know what is going on at their university.

“Students have all kinds of things they should be standing up to; we really hope that your generation will start to make some differences. The corporations’ control over finances of the university and over the government is too much; we need to start saying no,” she said.

Lotfi Gouigah, a second-year graduate student in communication studies who observed the protest, agreed with the Grannies.

“I think it’s important to be graduating from a university that is not linked to big lobbies that influence its research findings,” Gouigah said. “We should make sure that research is independent. Students should take a stand.”

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Mod Squad meeting aims to represent “silent majority”

On Thursday, Feb. 16, the ‘Mod Squad’ formally convened for its first meeting to discuss the need for moderation in the face of rising campus radicalism. A movement initiated through Facebook by Beni Fisch, McKenzie Kibler, Harmon Moon, and Brendan Steven, the Mod Squad aims to work towards the restoration of a non-confrontational, peaceable atmosphere on campus and in the student body.

“After the ‘We Are McGill’ event, we realised that these radical students were more organised and more willing to be more spectacular in what they were doing, and the people who disagreed with them weren’t organised enough. And that’s when we started planning,” Moon said. “The James Building occupation sparked … massive support that we tapped into … This is the moment for the majority to stand up, and we’re riding the tiger on that and just not letting go.”

Many students voiced disagreement with the tactics of the recent occupation of the James Administration Building, which lasted from Feb. 7 until Feb. 11, and the ‘Mod Squad’ intends to lend a voice to what they call the “silent majority.” A diverse number of students attended the meeting, including elected Arts Representative Isabelle Bi and former SSMU President Zach Newburgh.

“I think it’s quite disrespectful that some people are hijacking the institution that I am proud of,” Jesse Kuri, a U3 political science and economics student who attended the meeting, said.

Introductory in nature, the meeting focused on defining in more explicit terms the direction of the organisation. Hoping to fundamentally differentiate themselves from the ‘Mob Squad,’ a student-run mobilization committee, the meeting discussed changing the organisation’s name to one that is more collaborative in nature than antagonising. It was continually stressed that it is not the motivation behind the ‘Mob Squad’ that’s considered misguided, but the tactics. 

The ‘Mod Squad’ discussed a more long-term goal of establishing a platform for open and reasoned discussion in lieu of confrontational tactics.

“We have to focus on bringing back a sense of calm. A lot of what has been going on in February, especially what happened in November too, [has generated] a sense of hysteria … that this is Egypt, that this is the Arab Spring … that we have to bring down the administration. This [organisation] is acting as a counterforce to that,” Moon said.

After raising concerns about the way a “vocal minority” monopolises debate at General Assemblies, the meeting also focused on a more representative and less “co-optable” SSMU.

“We want a more collaborative relationship with the administration … many people wouldn’t like occupiers to be on the SSMU council … Matthew Crawford [an occupier] is a senator on the front-line, representing the arts faculty, negotiating with the administration. Obviously this compromises his representative position,” Steven said.

Afterwards, the organisers expressed satisfaction with the meeting.

“I’m very happy with how this went. It was really good to get everyone in a room,” Moon said.

Attendees also expressed hope for what the movement could accomplish for the student body. 

“I just hope that once we have this dialogue going, we can let the student body know what we stand for, and offer an aspect of truth, a perspective amidst everything that’s happened,” a student who wished to remain anonymous said.

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Chilean movement leader talks student empowerment

Carolina Millán Ronchetti / McGill Tribune

Throughout 2011, the Chilean student movement made headlines with its large-scale protests, creative demonstrations, and student strikes to reform the largely privatized education system. The movement, which at its apogee included between 500,000 and a million demonstrators, was described by some as one of the strongest movements since Chile’s return to democracy. Although the movement did not achieve all of its objectives, it led to a cabinet shuffle and to a dramatic fall in national presidential approval. 

Camilo Ballesteros, former president of the University of Santiago Student Federation and one of the key leaders of the student movement, travelled accross Canada this February to meet with various Canadian protest groups. The McGill Tribune had a chance to ask him a few questions about his experiences leading the student movement in Chile and his thoughts on the student movement in Quebec.

What was it like mobilizing so many people?

People mobilize as a reflection of a need. This means that failed government policies are what mobilize people.

We really did receive a lot of support, though. Once, something really striking happened, and that’s that the march’s main banner wasn’t heading the protest, but was in the middle, because the protest had started way before [the organizers] arrived, there were that many people. It got to the point where we questioned to what extent the support had exceeded the institutionalism of the student movement, and if our institutions could respond to the demands of the participants.

Someone once said that the student movement was like throwing a glass of water on a cat, but a lion had woken up. It was complex, and sometimes we didn’t have answers to what we needed to do. But we tried—you’ll imagine that meeting four times a month for 12 hours, we started finding some solutions … we realized that the student movement wasn’t ready for the amount of support we received, and needed to expand. For example, the Confederation of Chilean Students did not represent students in private universities [who were also protesting]. That was something that changed.

What did you learn in your time as a leader of the student movement?

Many, many things. First, I learned about the need to be humble and listen to the rest. Listen, because one may be making mistakes—one may be making mistakes every day. The need to understand that if we want to make real change, we need to do it as a collective. That each one of us contributes a grain of sand, but that each one’s grain of sand matters in forming something much bigger. I also learned about the need to respect what others say. It’s really fundamental to understand and respect the diversity of opinions.

I’ve learned that a lot of what I thought was important doesn’t actually matter so much. Before, my vision of what makes a movement go forward was a lot more closed-minded, but now it’s more open. It looks to generate majorities so we can move towards concrete objectives.

What are the next steps for the Chilean student movement?

I think the first step is to look back and analyze that it isn’t necessary to repeat last year. We want to keep moving forward, but that doesn’t mean doing exactly what we did before. It means competing with last year, even. At the same time, we need to continue the will to keep moving forward and generate majorities. That’s really the main thing the Chilean movement has to do.

What were your impressions of the student movements you saw in Canada?

I think there’s an annoyance that has been building up slowly. It seems that this society wasn’t so interested [in the issue] but it has been receiving a lot of information. Seeds are definitely being sown and will give fruit when the time comes.

I thought they were quite different [from the Chilean movement]. Something that really surprised me was how structured the marches are. Everyone has similar signs, everyone is very organized. In Chile, it’s a lot more disorganized, a lot more Latin American. Of course, that has pros and cons. The pros are that each one goes to a protest to do what they want and represent what they think is important, of course respecting collective spaces. And this leads to a majority that identifies with the mobilization, this could be emulated in Quebec. Well, I don’t know if it would have the same results.

What would you tell students who have not yet taken a stance on education reform?

I would say that we have one opportunity in life. We are young just once, we can be more rebellious just once, we can be more obstinate, and we dream more. I think we need to take advantage of that opportunity. Once, [former Chilean president] Salvador Allende said “to be young and not be a revolutionary is almost a biological contradiction.” I think that’s true. We may make mistakes, but it’s worst to feel that we had a chance to do something and did not, than to know one made a mistake. Sometimes you have to make a gamble and try to build history.

—This interview has been compiled, condensed, and translated from Spanish by Carolina Millán Ronchetti

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SSMU Council discusses changes to J-Board structure

 

Last Thursday’s SSMU Council approved three referendum questions concerning the Judicial Board (J-Board), in a continuation of attempts to bring the J-Board’s activities into compliance with Quebec law while retaining its value as an unbiased student body. The J-Board was recently discovered to be working against Quebec law due to regulations that require the SSMU Board of Directors (BoD) to be the highest authority in SSMU.  

The first referendum question involves amendments to the SSMU Constitution that will clarify that the J-Board is not the highest authority in the society. Instead, it will recommend rulings to the Legislative Council, which will only be considered binding when they receive ratification from the BoD. However, the BoD will only be able to overturn the decision of the J-Board by a 4/5 majority, in order to retain the J-Board’s value as an unbiased body.  

The question of J-Board reform was contentious for some members of the gallery. Former SSMU President Zach Newburgh questioned whether the J-Board actually violates Quebec law.  

“An independent judiciary is a value that’s enshrined in liberal democracies,” Newburgh said. “This referendum question in particular decides to destroy that value in the context of the Student Society of McGill University. If we are comfortable with doing that, then you may pass this referendum question and put it to a vote of students, and effectively downvote democracy through democracy.” 

SSMU President Maggie Knight, however, asserted her trust in their lawyer, who detailed the legal concerns regarding the J-Board in a memo to VP University Affairs Emily Yee Clare on Jan. 25. 

“To my knowledge we have no reason to doubt the competence of our legal counsel,” she said. “We have already met as a council and as a Board of Directors to discuss our concerns about what [have] been described to us as ambiguities between our constitution and Quebec law… out of what I understand to be due diligence to protect the SSMU from liability.” 

Clare emphasized the fact that SSMU has not relied solely on the advice of one lawyer, but also showed the referendum questions to the members of the J-Board. 

“They were very open to all the changes we proposed,” Clare said. “So in addition to our legal counsel, we have also had approximately six law students look at it as well.” 

The second referendum question, which addresses the procedural accountability of the J-Board, seeks to make the J-Board’s rules of practice publically available to all members of SSMU. 

The final and most contended referendum question addressed the composition of the J-Board, which is currently formed by five McGill students who have completed at least four semesters in the faculty of law. The referendum question would see the addition of two non-law students to the board, with the condition that these students must have never held a political position on campus. 

Debate on the referendum question stemmed mainly from the question of whether students with no legal training would be capable of addressing the type of cases addressed by the J-Board. 

“I think that there are people who are not in the faculty of law with the ability to interpret procedures and to engage in such discussions,” Knight said. “This is really just intended to bring an additional level of scope to the representation on the Judicial Board while clearly stating that the majority must always be members who have some degree of legal expertise.”  

However, some representatives felt that the J-Board does not need the additional students.   

“I think an important thing to keep in mind is that the J-Board is not a representative body,” Arts Representative Justin Fletcher said. “I think this might create potential conflicts of interest and [set] a bad precedent.” 

Students can vote on these referenda during the winter elections period starting Mar. 8. 

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McGill administration recognizes CKUT’s existence

 

 

Last Wednesday, the administration announced that it recognizes, in principle, the existence of CKUT Radio. The administration had previously rejected the results of the fall referendum, in which CKUT and QPIRG each posed a question calling students to support the organizations’ existence and a move to make opt-outs available offline.

Following negotiations, the administration offered to recognize CKUT and QPIRG’s existence on the condition that they ran two separate questions on the winter referendum, one regarding the organizations’ existence, and one making the organizations’  fees non-opt-outable. 

CKUT agreed to this compromise on Tuesday morning at around 10 a.m., just an hour and a half before students occupied the sixth floor of the James Administration Building, explained Caitlin Manicom, outreach and funding co-ordinator for CKUT.

“The agreement was just before the occupation started, which the occupiers didn’t know,” Manicom said. “We told them on the first night, we made it clear that we were negotiating and were still negotiating.”

The sixth floor occupiers did not leave that night. 

“QPIRG was still in negotiations and we wanted to support them as well,” one of the occupiers, who withheld her identity, said. 

Manicom noted that having a non-opt-outable fee is crucial for the financial sustenance of the radio station.

“The overhead costs of producing radio increase every year, and we have a lot of costs that we can’t get rid of in terms of licensing, general production costs, maintaining equipment to produce radio … that puts such a strain on running a radio station.”

Although the occupation did not directly affect CKUT’s negotiating process, Manicom noted that it had an effect on campus dialogue.

“We had already reached an agreement prior to the occupation, but I think that what the #6party occupation did was open up a lot of dialogue, be it negative or positive,” she said. “I think what was very useful about the occupation was that people were forced to think about the fact that the McGill administration had not recognized the student democratic vote.”

 

QPIRG still in negotiations

On Friday evening, QPIRG proposed three-way negotiations between the administration, the sixth floor occupiers, and QPIRG. Kira Page, member of the QPIRG Board of Directors and McGill alumni, explained the rationale of the decision.

“We really wanted a speedy resolution to the occupation. We feel that the #6party students were being treated cruelly and being [denied] bathroom and water access, and we thought that needed to end quickly,” Page said. “As one of the organizations who was affected by their primary demands, it might be helpful to be part of that process to speed it up.”

In an email to students, Michael Di Grappa, Vice-Principal (Administration and Finance) wrote that the administration would not negotiate the fall referendum with the sixth floor occupiers.

“As the administration has said from the beginning of the occupation, we will not enter into negotiations on the specific demands of the occupiers, as we will not negotiate with anyone disrupting university activities in this manner; we will continue to work with QPIRG to try to come to an agreement on the referendum issue,” Di Grappa wrote.

Page noted that QPIRG will not keep asking for the sixth floor occupiers to participate in negotiations, now that the occupation is over.

“We’re not affiliated with #6party and they existed mostly for the purposes of the occupation,” she said. “I don’t think students who are occupying a building have any negotiating power after they stop occupying the building.”

QPIRG will continue to negotiate with the McGill administration this week. The organization has until Feb. 17 to submit a question for the winter referendum.

“I imagine that everyone is feeling tired and tense given the past week,” Page said. “I hope that we can keep negotiating in good faith and coming to the table to come to a good resolution to this ongoing dispute.”

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Genocide prevention panel seeks to learn from the past

Simon Poitrimolt

 

Last Wednesday, a panel discussion on the topic of genocide prevention, with a focus on mobilising international intervention, took place at McGill in Chancellor Day Hall. The event was hosted by the Montreal Holocaust Memorial Museum, McGill’s Centre for Human Rights and Legal Pluralism (CHRLP), and the International Justice portfolio of the Faculty of Law’s Human Rights Working Group. The featured speakers were Kyle Matthews from ‘The Will to Intervene Project’ at the Montreal Institute for Genocide; Rebecca Hamilton, the author of Fighting for Darfur – Public Action and Struggle to Stop Genocide; and Professor Payam Akhavan of the faculty of law, who acted as moderator.

Louis-Philippe Jannard, the Human Rights co-ordinator of the Montreal Holocaust Museum was the one to originally approach the CHRLP with the idea of organising a panel. Jannard explained that the topic of genocide prevention is relevant today because of a need for international assertiveness on the issue. 

“Although many genocides have happened in the last century, and although the international community adopted various tools and institutions since World War II to prevent such gross human rights violations, countries around the world remain very hesitant to intervene to put an end to tragedies that are still occurring today,” he said.

The discussion began by evaluating the lessons learned from the Holocaust to frame the historical context and provide a starting point for discussion of how the world has progressed in its treatment of the issue.

“Some crimes so shocked the conscience of mankind, that we don’t ask who the victims are, we don’t ask if we belong to the victim group and therefore have a stake in rescuing them,” Akhavan said. “We simply ask whether it is a part of human conscience and decency that we cannot remain indifferent. This is in the core of the notion of crimes against humanity … and this is the true universal lesson of the holocaust. But while we [said] never again in 1945 … [today] the vow of never again has become ever again.”

Citing examples like the genocide in Darfur as examples of more recent genocides that collectively resulted in the slaughter of tens of millions of civilians, the panel broke down the course of intervention mobilisation at both the international and grassroots level.

“Decision-making of international affairs doesn’t necessarily take place at the UN, they actually take place in national capitals,” Matthews said. “To mobilise international political will or intervention is to first mobilise domestic will … countries and national governments have done very little ever since we signed the genocide convention in 1948. We tend to let things fall apart, respond as the events are turning, and don’t say why we’re acting too late. That is not a sustainable way to help our planet.”

Aware of the growing capacity for citizen engagement in interventions, the speakers explored possible solutions for situations where the interests of a country’s elite circle of executors do not align with the majority.

“It’s incredibly easy to get people to care about people who they will never meet,” Hamilton said. “They can hold their elective representatives accountable, and they can do it through relatively straight-forward mechanisms. One thing that was done in the Darfur case was to introduce scorecards, grading every member of congress on how they responded to Darfur … what’s amazing was how quickly it was effective. Within one or two days of introducing scorecards you had not just staffers but senators themselves calling into offices … [asking what they could] do to get a better grade.”

Members of the audience appreciated the varied insights on mobilising genocide intervention.

“I particularly enjoyed the … point of view of the mobilisers,” Louise Lavigne, a U2 law student, said. “I’ve never really heard the perspective of someone who is involved in getting people to notice the issues of genocide from the bottom-up … I appreciated that element.” 

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CLASSE Referendum

 

Last Monday, Feb. 13 marked the end of the Arts Undergraduate Society (AUS) Winter Special Referendum. The referendum posed a question amending the AUS constitution to make the General Assembly the supreme governing body of the AUS instead of Council. The change in the governing structure of the AUS would allow the student organization to become eligible to join Coalition Large de l’Association pour une Solidarite Syndicale Etudiante (CLASSE), a Quebec-wide temporary coalition of students opposing tuition increases. 

Being part of CLASSE would enable McGill to participate in demonstrations and actions taken by the group to oppose tuition increases and for McGill to be represented if CLASSE engages in talks with the government.  

A special referendum can take place when it is convened by at least eight senators or by 150 signatories. This specific referendum was prompted when arts students submitted a proposal with 150 signatures to AUS president Jade Calver.  

Kevin Paul, a member of the Mobilization Committee (Mob Squad) commented on the reasons behind the referendum question.  

“The referendum was called because of growing student grievances with the school administration and the Quebec government,” Paul said.  

By joining CLASSE, the AUS would be in a stronger bargaining position with the government, since pressure would be greater in a larger student coalition force.  

“I think giving this power to the General Assembly will actually get more student involvement and allow better representation of student interest,” a U2 arts student, who asked to remain anonymous, said. “Putting controversial topics like opposing tuition hikes through General Assembly sheds a lot of light on the issue and it draws in many more considerations from different perspectives.”  

However, some arts students are concerned that making the General Assembly the supreme governing body will erode a collective voice and efficacy. 

“When you let more people make decisions, the decision-making process can definitely slow down because you need to deal with a lot more perspectives and inputs,” Robert Chang, U1 arts, said. “This might make the AUS a whole lot less cohesive and effective because people have different opinions for different things. You’re almost guaranteed to clash on something as important as tuition hikes.”

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Dr. Palmer discusses liberalism in North Korean context

Simon Poitrimolt

 

A talk by Dr. Tom Palmer on tyranny and oppression in North Korea on Feb. 7 was met with mixed reactions. Hosted by Libertarian McGill and the Institute for Liberal Studies, the speech focused on the nature and principles of freedom. Palmer, a senior fellow at Washington’s Cato Institute and vice president for international programs at the Atlas Economic Research Foundation, discussed his experiences from his 2010 trip to North Korea, and his expectations for the country’s future.  

 “People who say ‘here’s what’s going to happen’ are lying or deluded,” Palmer said. “I met a lot of North Korea specialists. I’m not one of them … but even the specialists say: ‘we don’t have a clue.'”

Palmer compared his understanding of North Korean society to the dictatorial regimes of Eastern Europe prior to the dissolution of the Soviet Union. According to him, the constant North Korean parades and other state functions are designed to make the individual a part of a ‘machine,’ which Palmer compared to the gears and dials in his watch. 

Palmer used North Korea as an example for discussing the role and benefits of liberalism, commenting that “the rule of law is an element that cannot be overstated in its significance.” He also proposed that free trade is an important part of developing a country, and spent some time discussing the correlation between liberal values and socio-economic development. 

A group of around fifty students, faculty members, and members of Libertarian McGill attended the talk. While several attendees expressed their appreciation for Palmer’s knowledge on the subject of liberalism, others had very different opinions. 

Professor Jim Thomas, a visiting professor at McGill’s department of East Asian studies, felt that Palmer’s speech was troubling due to its emphasis on liberal values. Thomas also drew attention to Palmer’s factual inaccuracies, especially those surrounding the role of free trade in the development of the Republic of Korea, the causes and results of famines in North Korea, and the overall mindset of the leadership.  

“By propagating the illusion of irrationality, instability, and changeability in [North Korea], we serve American and other international interests who benefit from those representations,” he said.  

Thomas questioned Palmer’s assumption that it was impossible to predict the actions of North Korea, saying that the country will likely “remain more or less as it has over the last 70 years or more.”

In an email, Gregoire Legault, U3 honours East Asian studies and co-president of EASSA, also expressed concern about factual inaccuracies in Palmer’s talk and the McGill Libertarian Society’s choice to invite him to speak on the subject of the DPRK.  

“The talk was reductionist at best [and] dangerous at worst, especially for the students who never had a chance to analyse North Korea from an academic perspective,” Legault said.  

However, Matt Bufton, from the Institute for Liberal Studies, said that he had no problem with Palmer’s choice of subject or the critical discussion that stemmed from it.  

“Our mission is to get people thinking and talking about ideas, so an engaged and curious audience is exactly what we like to see,” he said. “We knew that Dr. Palmer was well-versed in the history of freedom around the globe, and felt that his visit to North Korea would provide a starting point that would be current and of interest to McGill students.”

Adelle Archer, president of Libertarian McGill, said that she was satisfied with the event and that, to her, the most interesting part of the discussion hinged around the Sino-U.S. relationship regarding North Korea.  

“The different scenarios [Palmer] outlined hit some important points, such as the undesirability of having South Korea expand north with U.S. troops,” Archer said. “[I was] delighted that challenging questions were posed, as they extracted informative and thought-provoking responses from Mr. Palmer.”

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