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Editorial, Opinion

EUS ban of QPIRG a hasty overreaction

McGill Tribune

At their council meeting on Tuesday, the Engineering Undergraduate Society banned the Quebec Public Interest Research Group from using any promotional tables in the McConnell Engineering Building for one year. This ban came in response to the September 23 confrontation between QPIRG and the QPIRG Opt-Out Campaign, which resulted in torn flyers and an allegation about the improper use of physical restraint by an Opt-Out member. It is understandable that EUS wants to ensure there are no further disturbances within its jurisdiction. The Tribune wouldn’t want outside groups causing trouble in our office. However, while EUS acted within their rights by passing the motion, the yearlong ban appears to be both somewhat presumptuous, given the differing accounts of what exactly happened, and an overreaction, as nobody was actually physically hurt.

We don’t want to exaggerate the importance of either what transpired in September or the EUS tabling ban. It is after all only for a year (or less, if EUS deems that the issues between the two groups have been resolved), and QPIRG will not collapse just because it cannot promote itself in one specific building.

But we find it strange that EUS chose to only ban QPIRG from tabling, without regard for any role members of the Opt-Out Campaign may have played in the escalation of the conflict. Because each side has its own story of what took place, and its own witnesses to corroborate their version, it would have been more appropriate for the EUS to ban both groups, rather than to pick only one to blame and punish. In any event, the Tribune feels that any ban, even one affecting both groups, is a hasty and overheated response to the September 23 incident.

As we argued last week, the behaviour exhibited by both sides in McConnell that day was not appropriate for a university setting. Nonetheless, there was little risk of somebody getting seriously hurt, and we doubt there is a significant possibility this will happen in the future.  However fervently we may disagree with other students on this or that issue, and however frustrated we are when they forget basic decency in the heat of the moment, we should concede that our fellow students are not fundamentally violent or dangerous.

We sympathize with the EUS’s desire to set a precedent that disruptions in its domain will not be tolerated, but the Tribune believes a stern warning—to both QPIRG and the Opt-Out Campaign—would probably have sufficed.

Editorial, Opinion

Boycott should be more steak, less sizzle

McGill Tribune

In response to the closure of the Architecture Café, the Students Society of McGill University Council passed a resolution last Thursday in support of boycotting all campus food locations owned by McGill Food and Dining Services until the administration proves more willing to engage in student consultation. While the Tribune applauds the spirit of this motion, we are worried that it may be both misdirected and ineffective. Instead, SSMU should consider supplementing this sort of negative action with an increase in positive ones.

Several councillors raised important concerns regarding the boycott’s efficacy. For one thing, it may not be as direct as it appears. The primary target is not McGill—which profits little from their food sales—but Aramark, the company that has an exclusive contract to provide McGill’s food. Even if, as one councillor noted, few students lose sleep over cutting into the profits of a large corporation, we are wary of endorsing a boycott directed at the wrong target. That’s not grassroots democracy—it’s mob populism.

We are also worried about the boycott’s effectiveness. Aramark is a multinational corporation with annual revenue exceeding $12 billion.  Moreover, the majority of its ordinary McGill customers are first-year students in residence, for whom it is impractical to boycott, and prepaid meal plan users, whose money Aramark already has—two groups which are exempt from the SSMU resolution anyway. Should the rest of us commit to the boycott, there is only a small chance that our efforts will cause a financial loss significant enough that Aramark will approach the McGill administration about re-opening the Architecture Café. The lost business may be but a dent for the company. In the unlikely event it does cause a major decline in business, the people who will feel the most pressure will probably be the food services employees, who have done nothing wrong.

Despite these concerns, if a cause is right then it is worth pursuing even if there are doubts about its feasibility. This is one of those causes. Even if neither Aramark nor Food and Dining Services nor the McGill administration feel any negative effects from a boycott, the places to which business is diverted will surely feel the benefits. Places like AUS Snax have already seen increases in sales. Despite Deputy Provost (Student Life and Learning)Morton Mendelson’s claim that the Architecture Café was financially untenable, and that McGill isn’t in the business of subsidizing student lunches, the university’s own Food and Dining Services seems only able to sustain itself through monopolistic business practices.  A boycott of Aramark may also serve as an expression of widespread campus support for small, student-run food services, and indicate that that is where demand would flow were it not coerced by the university into other channels.

The boycott is a good idea that may have some tangible rewards for certain small groups.Ultimately, though, the Tribune would like to see more of a positive effort from SSMU, rather than merely passive support for a negative strategy. We recognize and applaud executives’ continued efforts to address this in direct talks with the administration. However, we feel that more visible displays would provide a more valuable catharsis for impassioned students. Alternative coffee stands run by SSMU, for instance, would be a more convincing argument against Tim Hortons than just saying, “Don’t go.” There must also be more attempts to show the administration directly—rather than via Aramark—that students are still fuming over the lack of consultation in the decision to close the Architecture Café.  Finally, if SSMU is truly interested in promoting student-run food services, it needs to literally put its money where its mouth is. Its second floor cafeteria tenants’ contracts are coming up for renewal this year, which is a perfect opportunity for SSMU to tangibly demonstrate its  support for the idea of student consultation and student-run food services. If they truly believe in the principles they claim to be supporting, SSMU should hold forums and consider leasing to students before asking the administration to do the same. If they do not—if they decide that student businesses are not even suitable tenants for the Shatner Building—then it will be hard not to sympathize with the administration in thinking our representatives, and the boycott they support, might be full of sound and fury, signifying nothing.

Opinion

How to Get Rid of a Campus Group

McGill Tribune

1) Chose a group with an opt-outable funding system (these groups are usually “progressive”, e.g. QPIRG)

2) Coordinate a mass-flyer campaign with a catchy slogan like “save some money” detailing how to opt-out of their fee.

3)  Don’t provide any info about the organization (if you do, it must be misleading and/or exaggerating the “extremist” elements of the organization.)

By the time you read this, QPIRG McGill has already lost a big chunk of funding thanks to the misleading and manipulative campaign led by Conservative McGill and other groups. If you opted-out of QPIRG’s $3.75 per semester fee knowing what QPIRG does, then I can’t debate your decision (and your right to choose what student groups you fund). But if you didn’t know what QPIRG does, I invite you to visit the website (qpirgmcgill.org) so that next year you can make an informed decision.

The funny (or sad) thing about the QPIRG Opt-Out Campaign is that the same arguments they use could be used against them. Not everyone agrees with Conservative McGill’s activities or ideals. They don’t represent “most” McGillians, and they are still receiving funding from our student fees. And you know what, dear reader? We don’t have the option to opt-out from Conservative McGill. If QPIRG is on the “extreme left” (according to Conservative McGill), then it would be logical to assume that they are on the “extreme right.” Both groups are equally non-representative of the student body.

Conservative McGill is not alone. Last week’s front cover of the Tribune showed a photo with the instructions of how to opt-out from QPIRG, not a very neutral action from an “objective” paper during such a sensitive “campaign.” But wait! The Tribune is known to be the conservative paper on campus, my bad! On that same issue, the article reporting on the “altercations” between the QPIRG Opt-Out Campaign and QPIRG members and allies was not accurate. I was there: Students were never obstructed from accessing Opt-Out’s table and the only thing we did was to talk, one-on-one, with the people that had received a flyer from them—we were not giving flyers. The article doesn’t mention the intimidation we received from McGill Security, but that’s another story.

This is not a matter of money or ideology, but a matter of the diversity of voices at our university. Even though I don’t agree with conservative ideals, I’m glad they’re around. As Voltaire reportedly said: “I might not agree with what you say, but I will defend to the death your right to say it.” Sadly, Conservative McGill doesn’t think the same way.

Congratulations, Conservative McGill: your campaign successfully provided a false image of QPIRG, inciting students to opt-out en masse. You have provided an excellent case study in manipulative campaigning. I also congratulate the people that opted-out without knowing what our organization does: your ignorance has debilitated QPIRG, a very creative and active student organization on campus. I don’t know how saving $3.75 per term alone will make up for the lost conferences, student-research projects (some with stipends), Rad Frosh, movie screenings, urban gardening, environmentalist events, and so on.

Christian Scott Martone is a U3 Sociology and IDS student, [email protected].

Letters to the Editor, Opinion

Letter to the Editor: Mobile computing and communications

I was pleased to see the Tribune report on the recently approved guidelines for the use of mobile computing and communications devices (MC2) in classrooms at McGill ("Guidelines proposed for laptop ban," September 21). I would encourage interested students to consult the full document, available on the TLS home page (mcgill.ca/tls). However, while the guidelines do clearly state that one option for instructors is to ban MC2 devices in their classes, the article neglects to mention the other two possibilities, namely that devices may be allowed under specified conditions or as long as they are not disruptive.

The APC Working Group on Guidelines for Acceptable Use of MC2 Devices was created in response to instructor and student concerns about the sometimes inappropriate nature of the use of MC2 devices in classes and the resulting distraction for other students and the instructors. The Working Group, which included four professors and four students, was mandated to produce guidelines that would help instructors create a climate of respect and understanding in support of individual and collective positive classroom experiences. During the 2009-2010 year, the Working Group surveyed the McGill community widely through a representative sample of 1,000 students and 300 instructors, compiled an inventory of best practices at peer institutions, and conducted a comprehensive literature review. This data informed the development of the McGill guidelines, which then benefited from input from relevant academic committees and individuals with pertinent administrative experience and specialized knowledge.

It is our hope that the guidelines will encourage discussion about appropriate teaching and learning environments at McGill, as such discussions can only benefit all concerned.

Laura Winer, PhD

Chair, APC Working Group on Guidelines for Acceptable Use of MC2 Devices

Associate Director, Teaching and Learning Services

 

Opinion

Vive les prostitutes libres!

“How am I going to celebrate? I’m going to spank some ass.” -Terri Jean-Bradford

Terri has a lot to celebrate. She is a dominatrix, and last week the Ontario Superior Court of Justice struck down three provisions of the Criminal Code related to the operation of a “bawdy house” (a brothel), “living on the avails of prostitution,” and “communicating for the purposes of the trade.”

Personally, I find the sex industry disgusting; my principles scream against it. The purpose of prostitution is to turn a woman (or man) into a sexual object: a thing to be used like a common toy. It turns an intimate act into a cheap one. No one involved in the sex industry is free from this taint. The pimps and bawdy house landlords are profiting from it. While some prostitutes are subjecting themselves to it, far too many of them are doing so to pay for drugs, or because they were forced into it. As for the so-called “johns” who solicit, many of whom have wives and kids at home, they are buying sexual gratification at the expense of another human life.

Legally, however, prostitution can be a victimless crime. Between two consenting adults, sex can sometimes be sold without serious harm. I’m comfortable with the ruling on bawdy houses—the more this industry can be removed from streets, the better. Prostitution won’t go away—it’s called the world’s oldest career for a reason. Let’s give it a legal space, controlled by the prostitutes themselves, where it can occur safely.

I am also comfortable striking down the section regarding “living on the avails of prostitution.” It will allow prostitutes to hire bodyguards, and this is also a positive outcome.

However, removing the section on “communicating for the purposes of the trade” is a slap in the face to every community with a sex industry problem. To allow prostitutes to wander the streets and sell sex as openly as they please will do nothing but harm public space. I don’t want our families to wander downtown knowing that others are legally permitted to sell sex there. I especially don’t want anyone’s children to have to do that. If prostitutes want to work, they should have to do it privately, not in a public space where we all have to live.

The ruling raises serious policy questions. If brothels are allowed to operate they need to be regulated and zoned. They cannot exist in any suburb or downtown neighbourhood, that would be unfair to those communities. The industry will need to be constrained to small areas and kept separate from residential or commercial centres.

Additionally, we need to find a way to deal with the huge problem posed by human trafficking in the sex industry. Any brothel owner hosting trafficked prostitutes should face the same 14-year sentence faced by those who prostitute minors. If the questions surrounding human trafficking are not answered, legalized prostitution isn’t an experiment we should be undertaking. Canada also needs study whether the violence endemic to prostitution will be lessened by these changes or if they will only worsen.

In the end, our courts should not be answering these questions. The House of Commons should strike a royal commission on the topic so we can formulate a solution to prostitution’s many vices, legal or otherwise.

Opinion

Confidence and Female Achievement

When it comes to diversity in politics, Canada has a long way to go.

This is true even compared to the United States. Only one woman has ever been elected as a premier in Canada, and we’ve had only one female prime minister. The U.S., on the other hand, currently has eight female state governors, and 22 states have had female governors. When it comes to representation by immigrants and visible minorities, Canada falls even further behind. The U.S. has one governor of South Asian descent, a Latino governor, and, of course, an African-American president. Comparably, Canada’s ministers are almost uniformly white males. The two most notable Canadian female political figures, Adrienne Clarkson and Michaelle Jean, were both Governor-General, a largely symbolic role. Despite a relatively liberal immigration policy and more female births than male, Canada’s political institutions remain overwhelmingly comprised of males of European descent.

Not surprisingly, this can negatively affect how confident women are in their own abilities. As I found out in my political science class last week, even though women now excel in many “male” fields, they tend to feel less confident, often negating their own skills and expertise. I was struck by this paradox: women have advanced their careers, achieved political milestones like equal pay, voting rights, and acceptance to previously barred fields. Yet even as women become more capable and more confident, they are rarely as confident as men.

It seems that this research hits close to home at McGill. I haven’t had the opportunity to conduct a study to determine if women and men are equally secure in their abilities as students and educators, but there is a clear discrepancy between the two in higher-level positions. For instance, out of 13 student senators on the university senate, only four are women. How can we expect women to feel equally confident when there are so few apparent examples of female achievement? Luckily, there are efforts to overcome obstacles to female political involvement. McGill’s Women in House is a great program that encourages women to get involved in politics. It offers female students a trip to Ottawa to hear politicians speak and to shadow an MP. Through this program, McGill encourages its young women to develop their interests and achieve the expertise necessary to give them confidence in their own abilities. It’s time we spend more on programs that encourage political engagement from all backgrounds and introduce new voices to the student body.

Canada prides itself on being a multicultural, inclusive, and tolerant society. But the leaders of our political parties are far from diverse or multicultural, especially when compared to the leaders in American politics. Canada is proud to be a country where political representation does not depend on money or image, as it often does in the U.S., but it too often seems to depend on something else entirely: irrelevent biographical details like gender or ethnicity. It’s time we see more female faces representing our diverse society.

Opinion

Arch Cafe, Martyr

I don’t care about the Architecture Café. Maybe I’m a traitor and you hate me and I’m completely wrong, but at least I’m honest. All the protesting and rallies meant little to me even after I found out the café was the only student-run food spot on campus. I understand that the message goes deeper than “We want a place to buy coffee,” but whatever that message is was drowned out by the ever present “Save the Arch Caf” theme on fliers and posters scattered around the campus. Fiery words like “McGill students against administrative silence” would have been more poignant. Can you imagine that slogan blazing red and glorious, splashed across giant banners, marched through the main gates and right up to the front of Leacock?

To me, the Architecture Café never felt like something that was run by students. It felt like just another place on campus where you couldn’t use debit or credit and that rejected meal plan cards, much like all the restaurants on the second floor of the Shatner Building. In fact, any of those places could easily have been moved to where the Architecture Café was and I would have barely noticed. I find it hard to be sympathetic to the cause because if students want a place where they can get food from a student-run business, they should try their own kitchens. I hear that’s got some good stuff!

Maybe I’m just bitter. Maybe I’m a hater and a jerk and have no compassion for the efforts of my fellow students and friends. I never have cash and don’t like coffee and the one time I got food there the Jamaican patty was cold. But I don’t want to belittle the efforts of my fellow McGill students. I am in awe of their passion, determination, and knowledge of the situation.

However, most people see the campaign to save the café as simply an attempt to save a café,  and one that many of them probably didn’t—and still don’t—even know the location of. The closure is being used as a screen on which students can project any other problems they may have with the administration. The café became an all-important cause only when it became a popular cause.

In the end, the entire thing is about money. McGill won’t release the financial figures. They didn’t take students’ ideas into consideration. They simply disregarded what the students tried to do. It was learning about the background behind the struggl that appalled me, not the actual café closure. If more attention had been given to the secretive way in which the administration handled things, I believe more students would have vocalized their support.

If this truly is the end of the Architecture Café, it will be a martyr in the continuing struggle between students and administration when it comes to food services at McGill: a battle that has raged since at least my first year at McGill. Fare thee well, Architecture Café. May your sacrifice show the administration that students actually do care, and are smarter than the administration would prefer to think. And what could possibly scare them more?

Science & Technology, Student Life

Stuxnet: the world’s most sophisticated virus

    Stuxnet is a working and fearsome prototype of a cyber-weapon that will lead to the creation of a new arms race in the world

Kaspersky Labs

    When one of the world’s leading malware research labs releases a quote like this, it’s time to get worried. Stuxnet is one of the most advanced pieces of computer malware ever, and it’s working in ways security experts never thought malware could.

    A computer worm is a type of virus which spreads itself from machine to machine, with the sole purpose of reproducing. One of the most famous examples of this is the SQL Slammer worm, which managed to bring the Internet to a halt in early 2002. While a worm itself might not be malicious, they often carry a “payload,” another piece of malware which contains the malicious code that reproduces with the worm. Typically worms, trojans, and other malware have targeted home and business computers. While many are harmless—and sometimes even playful—the worst can result in computer crashes, lost data, or stolen personal information.

    Don’t turn off your computer just yet. Stuxnet isn’t interested in stealing credit cards; it’s potentially much more dangerous. Stuxnet targets machines used in industrial processes, like those in nuclear reactors and manufacturing plants, allowing the virus writers to reprogram these systems. Stuxnet conceals itself by hiding changes from plant operators.

    Stuxnet duplicates itself through intranet connections—local networks and portable storage devices—by exploiting four previously unnoticed security holes in the Windows operating system. Worms usually exploit only one hole, saving the others for future attacks. Upon infection, Stuxnet investigates the host machine, looking for Siemens software used in industrial machines. Stuxnet then takes control of the computers, thereby controlling industrial processes. The virus is capable of reprogramming the programmable logic control device of the computer—the core of an industrial machine.

Upon hijacking a machine, Stuxnet reports back to a central server for further instructions. Besides attacking unusual targets, Stuxnet also includes many features not often seen in malware: digital signing, multiple programming languages, knowledge of industrial processes, and use of multiple zero-day exploits.

    The worm has spread quickly in Iran, where an estimated 60 per cent of computers are infected. Elsewhere in the world, the worm is less widespread, suggesting that the initial infection started in Iran. Experts have hypothesized that the attackers are targeting the country in an attempt to sabotage its nuclear reactors. The virus was likely created by a team of hackers and took years to create. This level of dedication and sophistication in creating malware has never been seen before and suggests that the folks behind the virus have serious intentions (they also probably had insiders and experts on their side). Security experts say there is little chance of catching those behind Stuxnet, who did a good job covering their tracks.

    While you shouldn’t be worried about your laptop getting a case of Stuxnet, the implications of industrial process monitoring machinery being hijacked and controlled by criminals are unthinkable. The methods the virus uses to spread, target, and control its victims are unprecedented and may be indicative of a new kind of terrorism: cyber-terrorism.

There are currently 441 nuclear reactors worldwide. If we assume that terrorists are able to control a quarter of these using industrial-targeting viruses, and they are capable of disabling temperature monitoring of the plants, terrorists could theoretically trigger 110 nuclear reactor meltdowns. If we assume statistics similar to the Chernobyl nuclear reactor disaster, each of these meltdowns could lead to more than 200,000 deaths in the long-term. These conservative estimates lead to a death toll of 20 million people worldwide as a result of the Stuxnet-enabled attack. A more widely targeted attack, or some bad meltdowns could easily inflate the death toll to 40 million or more. For purposes of comparison, if the largest nuclear bomb ever produced, the Tsar Bomba, were dropped on the most densely populated city in the world, Mumbai, the result would likely be less than a million deaths. Let’s hope that this is a trend that can soon be stopped. If not, it could lead to scenarios much more serious than the Y2K bug.

Arts & Entertainment, Music

Hollerado

Adam Scotti

Hollerado’s worked hard to get the recognition they’ve received in the Canadian music scene, but on Friday night the band showed that hard work can be fun. The four-piece group from Manotick, Ontario played two Pop Montreal shows, the first at Cabaret Just for Laughs at 9 p.m. and the second at Le Divan Orange at midnight. In between, the boys held their annual Nacho House, a loft party for all their fans, complete with live music and, of course, nachos.

Although the police made an unwelcome visit to the Nacho House, the Divan Orange show went off without a hitch, with favourites such as “Juliette” and “Got to Lose” getting the crowd hopping. Regular sprays of confetti flew at sweaty fans who sang along, while lead singer Menno Versteeg showed everyone what a good rock band should be. The highlight of the night might not have been the music though: Hollerado capped off their event-filled evening by having the audience paint their new tour van, supplying paint and brushes for drunk music-lovers. The result was a colourful mess on St. Laurent, and a great night for fans.

Arts & Entertainment, Music

Holy Fuck

Holly Stewart

There may have been a mini-monsoon Thursday night, but that didn’t stop droves of people from making the trek up Park Avenue to Espace Reunion for a 2 a.m. set from Toronto’s Holy Fuck.

Taking the stage clad in a “Poo Teens” t-shirt (talk about catering to a local audience), Brian Borcherdt and company played their brand of instrumental and experimental dance music to an energetic and excited crowd.

Songs like “Jungles,” “Red Lights,” and “Stilettos” showed Holy Fuck’s knack for layering sound and building intensity before letting it dissipate only to start up again, keeping the venue on edge and filled with anticipation.

You can’t talk of a Holy Fuck show without mentioning that neither Borcherdt nor Graham Walsh use computers of any kind to make their music. Instead, they favour keyboards put through a multitude of guitar pedals. Watching the two of them go to work at their stations was like watching scientists in a lab, as they carefully manipulated every knob and pedal to create some of the most interesting sounds to ever come out of mini-Casios. It looked like a very involved process—Borcherdt had to hold his microphone in his mouth a few times to keep both hands free, and the group requested more light on stage so they could better see what they were doing.

A minor complaint would be that “Lovely Allen” didn’t hit as hard as it usually does, but playing it mid-set was a welcome change from being the obvious set-closer.

When all was said and done, people appeared more disappointed that it was over than about having to head back out in to the rain.

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