Latest News

a, News, SSMU

SSMU Council opposes deregulation, approves ECOLE referendum question

by Max Berger on

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Motion regarding opposition to deregulation of international tuition

Last Thursday, the Students’ Society of McGill University (SSMU) Legislative Council passed a motion to oppose the McGill administration’s decision to lobby the Quebec government to deregulate international students’ tuition in all programs. 

The implementation of this deregulation proposal would increase tuition revenue from international students, as it allows McGill to determine the supplemental tuition it would charge its students. Currently, the provincial government decides the amount of supplementary tuition that international students pay, then reallocates the tuition from them to universities throughout Quebec based on total population rather than international student population.

Arts representative Eddie Lin voiced his concern about the difficulties this would pose for students currently paying higher levels of tuition.

“[International students] already pay about two or three times more than regular Canadian students,” Lin said. “It’s just not reasonable to put a burden on [a group] that’s already so burdened.”

Alternatively, Engineering representative Anikke Rioux urged the Council to consider the advantages of the extra funding that would result from increased tuition.

“One of the biggest benefits is that the effect of budget cuts […] doesn’t affect us quite as much when we’re deregulated because international students bring in a lot of money to the university,” Rioux explained. 

While most Council members were in favour of opposing deregulation, there was discussion about the possibility of amending the motion and voting on it instead at the Winter General Assembly (GA) as a means of more effectively engaging students. However, that amendment did not pass as councillors decided on the need of immediate action. 

“The VP External portfolio can’t move forward if we table all actions that are political to the GA,” Arts representative Lola Baraldi said. “I don’t see it as mutually exclusive to pass this motion […] and then perhaps [bring] a stronger discussion or a second motion building off of this one [to] the GA.”  

Motion regarding the ECOLE referendum question

Council also approved a motion that will allow the Educational Community Living Environment (ECOLE) Project, a student-run sustainability initiative that houses its facilitators in a property rented from McGill on 3559 University, to run a question in the upcoming Winter Referendum regarding the creation of a $2 student fee per semester. If passed, the fee would go towards the funding needed for ECOLE to cover its $144,195 budget. ECOLE recieves $44,000 in rent fees from its tennants, which then goes towards the $94,000 it is charged by McGill for the use of the ECOLE building. Currently, most of ECOLE’s funding comes from the non-renewable McGill’s Sustainable Project Fund.

The motion follows ECOLE’s recently acquired Independent Student Group (ISG) status, which allows the organization to charge student fee levies. Three ECOLE representatives came to Council to address the progress of the project and answer questions about the fee levy. 

“The idea behind this motion is that ECOLE will be able to continue for many years to come,” ECOLE co-coordinator Brooke Nancekivell explained. “We also have, for context, looked into many other funding options at McGill [besides a student fee], many of which we’re not eligible for. We’ve also looked into funding options outside of McGill, and a lot of those grants come from sources that don’t align with our mandate.”

Senate Caucus representative Kareem Ibrahim, who also sits on the Board of Directors of ECOLE, proposed an amendment to increase the fee in the question from $2 to $2.50. It did not pass, and VP Finance and Operations Kathleen Bradley, who is a fellow board member with Ibrahim, expressed that she supported the original motion but couldn’t endorse the fee increase.

“I made the $2 recommendation based upon my professional opinion and I would still agree with that opinion,” Bradley said. “This amendment is not a responsible use of student funds.”

Anti-austerity progress report

In her report to Council, Vice-President External Amina Moustaqim-Barrette discussed the anti-austerity actions that SSMU is currently undertaking. Last Wednesday, Moustaqim-Barrette met for the first time with the Mobilization Committee, a group that was formed under Moustaqim-Barrette’s portfolio after SSMU resolved to take an official stance against austerity at the Fall GA and is open to all students to join. It has arranged to hang anti-austerity banners around the SSMU building, and will be rallying students to participate in an anti-austerity strike organized by the anti-austerity group Comité Printemps 2015, that will be taking place in Montreal on Mar. 21. Moustaqim-Barrette also encouraged councillors to contact her if they would like to bring a strike motion to their constituents.

“What I’d really like to see is us empower departments and faculties having strike votes [at that level],” Moustaqim-Barrette said. “Within my position as VP External, I see myself […]  really just [… trying to] get the information out there to our students about austerity and alternatives to it.” 

a, Montreal, News

Public school teachers protest austerity measures, proposed changes to contract agreements

by Jenna Stanwood on

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On Feb. 9, the Montreal trade union of kindergarten to high school teachers, the Alliance des Professeures et Professeurs de Montreal (APPM), staged a protest outside Roddick Gates. The APPM represents teachers’ interests before the Commission Scolaire de Montreal (CSM), the Montreal public school board.

According to APPM members, the union is facing the end of its current contract with the Quebec government on March 31, and is in ongoing negotiations with the government over a new contract. As a part of the austerity measures currently being implemented across Quebec to cut back on public spending, the Ministry of Education has proposed numerous changes to its contract with the APPM, which would affect public elementary and high school institutions.

Anger over the Ministry’s proposed deal sparked the protest, according to Carolyne Hebert, a teacher at École primaire des Amis-du-Monde, an elementary school in Côte-St-Luc. Among the potential changes are an increase in the number of students per class for grade three and up, a two-year freeze on salaries, changes to maternity leave and retirement age requirements, and cuts to special education programs.

“The rate [of students] per class usually is about 25 students, [and] they want to raise that,” Hebert said. “We have many students that […have] learning difficulties or […] behaviour problems, so it would be even worse if we had more students in our [classes].” 

Christine Fahndrich, a teacher in Montreal for 26 years, voiced concerns that the proposed changes will ultimately harm students. According to Fahndrich, the proposed contract may also affect the chances for younger teachers new to the field to secure permanent employment.

“They want to change the [hiring] conditions […] for younger persons getting [teaching] jobs, so that it’s hard for them to get a permanent job,” Fahndrich said. “[It’s] the kids that are going to pay. The conditions are going to be harder, more kids, more handicapped kids […] with less service, less teachers […and] less professionals to help those kids.”  

James Wilson, a supervisor of student teachers with the Faculty of Education at McGill, explained that there are two types of contracts a teacher in Montreal can be offered: Tenured positions and part-time contracts. Under a part-time contract, a teacher may be working full-time, but their contract will stipulate an end date for the job.

Usually [the teacher with the part-time contract] will be going in and replacing somebody for a year,” Wilson said. “When that year ends and that person comes back […] that job disappears.” 

A teacher who receives two of these part-time contracts is put on a short list for hiring in the event that another part-time or tenured position opens up. This system leaves many teachers constantly looking for a job and long application lists for tenured positions.

The effects of the government’s proposed contract, if it is accepted as the new agreement, could have grave consequences for those looking for employment in education. According to Wilson, a large component of the offer would feature increasing class sizes to decrease the number of teachers needed per school.

“If you’re saying to teachers, ‘Look, you’ve got to stay in the job longer,’ it means it reduces the number of posts which would become available to young people looking for a job,” Wilson said. “If you increase the workload, [that] means that you need less teachers anyway. So this is not good news for people [who] are thinking of getting into the job.”

Wilson explained that the Quebec government has the final say in the contract negotiations. 

“[The school boards are] just a mouthpiece that the government speaks through—in the end it’s the government that calls the shots.” Wilson said. 

Though the negotiations are likely to last for a while longer, according to Wilson, if an agreement is not reached by March 3, the current agreement will be automatically extended to cover the gap until a new contract is decided on.

a, Recipes, Student Life

Recipe: Red velvet cheesecake hearts

by Jer Lin Poh on

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Ingredients

  • Red velvet base

  • 1 stick unsalted butter, melted

    7/8 cup sugar

    1 tsp vanilla extract

    1 tbsp cocoa powder

    ¼ tsp salt

    1 tbsp red food colouring

    1 tsp white vinegar

    2 large eggs

    3/4 cup all-purpose flour

  • Cheesecake layer

    8oz cream cheese, softened

    3/8 cup sugar

    1 large egg

    1 tsp vanilla extract

    ¼ cup milk

    Directions

  • Red velvet base

    1. Preheat oven to 350°F. Line an 8×8 inch pan with baking paper.

    2. Sift flour and salt together.

    3. In a large bowl, combine melted butter, vinegar, vanilla, cocoa powder,

    and food colouring. Whisk in the eggs, then mix in the flour until just combined.

    4. Set aside 1/3 cup of batter. Pour remaining batter into the baking pan.

  • Cheesecake layer

    5. In a medium bowl, beat together the sugar, egg, and vanilla with an electric mixer for 1 minute. Then, beat in the cream cheese until smooth and well-combined.

    6. Pour the cheesecake mixture on top of the red velvet batter in the baking pan.

    7. Combine the remaining red velvet batter with the milk. Drop dollops of the mixture on top of the cheesecake layer, then swirl the batters together using the tip of a knife.

    8. Bake the cheesecake for 30 minutes. After cooling, allow the cheesecake to chill thoroughly before slicing with a heart-shaped cookie cutter.

a, McGill, News

Thousands march to commemorate missing and murdered indigenous women

by Si Jia Li on

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Approximately 2,000 people marched to raise awareness for missing and murdered indigenous women in downtown Montreal on Saturday. 

The march was organized by Missing Justice, a Montreal grassroots collective focused on indigenous women’s rights. According to Monica van Schiak, who was in charge of the march’s public relations, it was one of the biggest gatherings they’ve ever had. 

“Today’s march is for missing and murdered women—all women,” said van Schiak. “It’s important for us to have many different representatives come, and we made sure to make contact with many different communities.” 

Similar marches also took place on Saturday in dozens of other Canadian cities. The marches are a part of the Annual Memorial March for Missing and Murdered Women, which was founded in 1991 in B.C. after the murder of a Coast Salish woman in Vancouver. 

According to the Human Rights Watch, a non-governmental organization dedicated to protecting the human rights of people around the world, indigenous women and girls represent only 4.3 per cent of the female population, but 16 per cent of female homicide victims. There are over 1,200 women listed as murdered or missing in Canada.  According to a report released by Amnesty International Canada in December 2014, the issue of missing and murdered women in Canada is a national human rights crisis.

The marchers walked around two kilometres along Sainte-Catherine Street, from Cabot Square to Phillips Square, stopping to hear various speakers and drum performances. Two native drum groups, Odaya and the Buffalo Hut, performed healing songs to memorialize the missing women. 

In Phillips Square, volunteers from Missing Justice had written out the name of every disappeared woman on individual signs. The signs had been left in the snow as a reminder of the tragedy.

The speakers at the march spoke out against the issues of neo-colonialism, racism, and misogyny that they feel are behind the government’s slow reaction to the disappearances. 

“I would like us to take a moment to consider the land beneath the concrete we are standing on,” said a representative from Missing Justice, reading out from the organization’s mission statement before the march began. “To consider that any efforts to address violence against missing women is occurring on unseated Kahnawake land, on Mohawk territory. And I would like for us to reflect on the impossibility of separating violence against women from an ongoing legacy of colonial violence.”

To the protesters in Cabot Square, there were many reasons to gather that day. Celia, a student at the Université de Montréal, who did not provide her last name said that she was there as a feminist in support of women’s issues.

“I like to be informed,  I read many articles,” Celia said. “I noticed that native women don’t have the same services as we do, and I thought we had to do something about it.” 

A representative from Missing Justice spoke to the crowd regarding the broad scope of the issue.

 “I don’t know why any of you are here; I don’t know for whom you are here; I don’t know if there is anything essentially common to our experiences, to what we mean by violence, to what we mean by women, or to what we mean by memorial,” they said. “So my hope is that beyond any sense of a common understanding, we can still walk beside each other today. We can support each other in a unity that’s composed of our unique and complicated realities.” 

A number of different women’s organizations also attended the march. Representatives from the Canadian Association of Congolese Women (CACW), the South Asian Women’s Community Centre, and the Regroupement de Centre des Femmes à Québec all participated to speak out on an issue they felt affects all women. 

One of the guest speakers from the CACW, who provided her name only as Selemona, chanted “Mille femmes qui tombent, deux mille se lèvent,” meaning “A thousand women who fall, two thousand rise up.”  Protesters also held picket signs reading “A thousand is more than just a number.”

John Cree, a Cree man, who led the opening and closing prayers for the event, said that his goal working with Missing Justice is to keep the subject of the missing women prioritized. 

“I was told a long time ago that if you want to destroy a nation, you take away the women, and the nation dies, because that’s our foundation—that’s our strength,” Cree said. “It seems like we’ve lost a lot of native women and nothing has been done. The government hasn’t moved on it, and the police force hasn’t. I wonder if sometimes they don’t want to know what is happening.”

a, Arts & Entertainment, Film and TV

California dreamin’: Kevin Costner discusses new sports flick

by Sophie Jewett on

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In the farming town of McFarland, California, Jim White decided to start a cross-country team with boys who seemed to be able to run forever. These teenagers were not your typical, promising athletes; they were the sons of poor immigrant farmers—some even lacked the means to buy running shoes—helping their parents on the farm before school and returning to work again after school. They were faced with challenges such as the prevalence of drugs and gangs, and somehow, with the help of Coach White, they became state champions—nine times. This inspirational true story is being told in Disney’s upcoming McFarland, USA, starring Kevin Costner as Coach White. Both Costner and White spoke to the Tribune about the film and the remarkable circumstances it’s based on. 

Costner first heard the story when he read it in a Sports Illustrated article 10 years ago, and was thoroughly impressed. Speaking as a veteran lead in the inspirational sports movie genre, Costner holds that McFarland, USA is decidedly different from his previous sports films, such as Bull Durham and Field of Dreams. 

“[McFarland, USA] is not a movie about running, it’s not about cross-country,” he asserted. 

To illustrate his point, Costner described his visit to the McFarland farming community as an eye-opening experience to harsh realities of their living conditions, but also to a sense of undying hope for a better life. 

“They’re simply working there, these incredible hours through very difficult weather conditions, every day of their life for one reason and one reason only: To advance their children and to give their children a better opportunity,” he said. “There’s nothing more American than a parent trying to make [….] life better for their children.”

Costner spoke passionately about the McFarland story, and he praised Coach White for his belief in the McFarland kids’ potential. 

“[White was] very level with these kids, and he’s so level to the point that he’s also able to tell them when they’re off course [because] coaching is about the big picture, which is how they’re gonna be as men,” Costner explained.

On the phone, the real Coach White was more humble about his role in the building of the team. 

“I needed a job […] so I wouldn’t get fired again,” the coach chuckled. White noticed that the McFarland boys had a fire within them that he had not seen before. “These boys didn’t slack off and jog and walk like everybody else was doing. They actually loved to run, and so you try to look for things like this in young people.” 

The coach was able to motivate the boys to run for hours with simple techniques. 

“They’ll run for anything, you know. They will. It doesn’t have to be anything but an ice cream cone,” White said.

Some may feel that the inspirational sports film is an exhausted genre. However, McFarland, USA has more to offer than winning racing competitions. The film brings to light social and political issues and their effect on hardworking immigrant communities. To reduce this film to its Hollywood framing is to strip it of its significance to the communities it is depicting. 

“[The film] means an awful lot to the community of McFarland,” White explained. “It is really, really true to [the] life hardships that the kids have to go though working in the fields. It’s so important to understand what they’re really going through.”

This is not to say that the staple themes of teamwork and perseverance in sports films are not also important. McFarland, USA is an inspirational tale of the creation of champions from a seemingly hopeless situation. Costner himself is a seasoned athlete, having played football, baseball, and basketball in his youth, which might be what drew him to the genre. For Costner, good films are a lot like quality sporting competitions. 

“[They] are emotional experiences,” he said. “When movies are working at their very best, they become about moments that you’ll never forget, and we carry [those] moments throughout our whole life.”

a, Opinion

Fears of extremism limiting freedoms in Canada

by Cecile Richetta on

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Since Stephen Harper proposed Bill C-51 against terrorism, several events have taken place that call into question the establishment of laws and rulings to combat extremism that some fear may be growing in Canada. Officially, Bill C-51 gives Canadian Security Intelligence Service (CSIS) agents greater power to address “security threats” both at home and abroad. On its website, the Canadian government explains that the bill will “criminalize the advocacy or promotion of terrorism offences,” make it “easier for law enforcement agencies to detain suspected terrorists” before they can harm the population, “enable the effective and responsible sharing of relevant national security information,” and make better use of classified information in order to identify potential threats. This bill has been described as the most far-reaching security law since the aftermath of 9/11. What is most alarming is that Harper has argued that the world is a “dangerous place” and refused to add sunset clauses to the bill, which means that it could remain in place indefinitely.

The day after the proposal of Bill C-51, Montreal mayor Denis Coderre blocked an imam from establishing a community centre in the city, arguing that its establishment could disrupt “public safety and order.” According to Coderre, the imam in question was an “agent of radicalization.” His refusal looked even more dubious in the light of Harper’s recent proposal. No matter how hard Coderre, claimed that “it [had] nothing to do with freedom of speech,” it had been increasingly hard not to see a disturbing link.

Lumping together policies to promote secularism with laws to fight terrorism further encourages people to see a threat in the Muslim community at large.

The combination of Bill C-51 with the recent events in Montreal gave rise to controversial and heated debates. As McGill Law professor, Victor Muniz-Fraticelli, pointed out, having a debate about the establishment of the community centre on political and philosophical grounds is completely acceptable, but the creation of this institution is not a crime—although considering the federal government’s recent policy, it could become one soon. But, as for now, the local politicians unlawfully put a restriction on freedom of religion, speech, and assembly, in the name of ‘greater security.’

Lumping together policies to promote secularism with laws to fight terrorism further encourages people to see a threat in the Muslim community at large. It will become harder to contain fear and anger when citizens are no longer able to differentiate between a real threat and mere paranoia.

Both of these events are inherently flawed and reactive. None of these decisions address the fundamental questions that people should be asking themselves: Why do people join terrorist movements? Why are social conditions in Western countries pushing some citizens to fill in the ranks of extremist groups?

Bill C-51 is also imposing greater surveillance on all citizens by claiming to protect them. The accumulation of private information is just one issue when considering the restrictions in citizens’ ability to express themselves, religiously or not. Now, more than ever, Canadians need to be careful of such marginalizing political speech and pick the right fights. In the face of a common peril, showing a united front is both good and necessary. However, depriving certain citizens of their rights because of their religious beliefs is unjust. Scapegoating all Muslims by associating them with terrorism will never be the appropriate reaction. One can be extremist without being religious, and religious without being extremist. But it seems that for the federal government and CSIS, Canadians are now under scrutiny and are being forced to keep quiet.

This article was corrected Thursday, Feb. 19, 2015.

a, Arts & Entertainment

Drake – If Youre Reading This Its Too Late

by Jessica Fu on

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Last Thursday, Drake dropped his latest opus Beyoncé-style, sending his fans, his peers, and the media alike into a frenzy. In the days since, Billboard has noted that his release is expected to sell upwards of half of a million copies within its first week. Referenced as a mixtape by Drake, the work is really an album in the sense that it is being sold commercially, and in that it fulfills his contractual obligations with his label, Cash Money Records.

Speaking of which, Drake not-so-subtly hints that he will soon be severing ties with Cash Money. In “Now and Forever” he repeats, “It’s over, yeah it’s over yeah, I’m leaving, I’m gone.” The tone here is really the tone of most of the album—confident, in control.

The intro, "Legend," is sonically softer than "Tuscan Leather," and Drake croons about his dominance rather than rapping it. Nonetheless, it’s a highlight, easing us into the rest of the rap-heavy collection of tracks, reminding us that he’s “got this shit mapped out strong.”

Drake's best friend/right-hand man/producer, Noah "40" Shebib, is reliably good and unsurprisingly versatile. From his sensual beat on "Madonna" to his textured, synth-heavy work "6 Man," he does his usual intricate work mixing shadowy sounds with ambience.

And, of course, no Drake effort would be complete without a little help from his mentor. In "Used To," Weezy and Drizzy spit over razor-sharp synths, featuring the intertwining vocals and synergy we loved in “HYFR” or “She Will.” Nonetheless, Lil Wayne’s lyrical contribution leaves something to be desired.

When all that’s said and done, the album feels like it’s lacking a peak—something that provides us with a snapshot of who Drake unconditionally is in this moment. The album is consistently dark and brooding, Drake is unapologetic to everyone he addresses, and even without a few standout tracks, the album itself is a musical success.

a, Opinion

Why Canada should reinstate the mandatory long-form census

by Albert Park on

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The first week of February saw the defeat of a bill to reinstate Canada’s mandatory long-form census, prompting a sigh of discontent and discouragement from many Canadians. While every opposition Member of Parliament (MP) voted in favour, all but one Conservative MP voted against it, preventing the bill from passing 147 to 126. While this issue does not seem extremely alarming at first, it is imperative, not only for economic reasons, but also for the sake of academic research and historical accuracy that the long-form census is made mandatory again.

Since 1971, Statistics Canada has undertaken a mandatory long-form census every five years to produce meaningful data, which has been an integral factor affecting the country’s public and corporate decisions. This system, which garnered much praise from statisticians and economists for its ability to produce reliable and unbiased information, was replaced in 2010 by the Harper government with a voluntary National Household survey that is far less extensive and significantly more costly to implement. The decision was made primarily with the dubious goal of “protecting privacy,” which remains as virtually the sole reason the change is still being supported by the Conservatives to this day.

One does not need to be an expert in statistics to understand that the voluntary survey does an objectively poorer job of returning valuable information, with fewer questions and an average response rate of around 68 per cent compared to the mandatory census’ 93 per cent.

An example of an area suffering heavy difficulties due to this loss of information is public health units. Marginalized populations, such as families with low income, are less likely to complete the voluntary survey. Since they are not represented properly in the resulting data, health units have a hard time targeting their health care programs to the areas that need them the most. This is one of the many ways policy has been hindered by the change.

The low response rate and non-randomized nature of the voluntary census means that the data [people] are accessing will become increasingly innacurrate and biased.

However, the problem goes further, as the change also has large negative impacts on academia. For the past few decades, researchers have relied heavily on data provided by Statistics Canada, mainly through long-form censuses. Their fundamental position in academic research is reflected by the Research Data Centres Program, an initiative to provide research centres in universities around Canada with access to microdata from population and household surveys, which includes results gathered from the long-form census. Among other users, these centres are employed frequently by university students, mainly for post-graduate research. However, the low response rate and non-randomized nature of the voluntary census means that the data they are accessing will become increasingly inaccurate and biased. This essentially means that the next generation of post-graduate students will have access to lower quality information than the generation before them, making their research less effective, and therefore, less applicable to society.

The problem is even more serious when viewed from a long-term perspective. The data provided by the census is a way for historians to understand the growth and development of various periods in Canadian history. Not only does it present the necessary numbers for calculations, but it provides a context and voice to the numbers. For example, the long-form census can effectively trace not only the rate of immigration, but also provide vital information about how newcomers are being integrated into the nation through information about income, jobs, and education. Without this kind of information, it would be significantly more difficult for experts to have a coherent and complete understanding of different trends and changes that occurred in Canada.

Simply put, bringing back the mandatory long-form census is the only way to guarantee that Canada’s identity as a country is correctly portrayed, economic decisions are based in accurate data, and researchers have access to adequate and unbiased information.

a, Campus Spotlight, Student Life

Campus Spotlight: MASS

by Laura Plamondon on

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McGill is an acclaimed institution that attracts students from all over the globe, as evidenced by the number of cultural associations present at the university. However, the international identity of the university has not always been present. Anne-Sophie Tzeuton, U3 Political Science student and VP External for the McGill African Students Society (MASS), explained the incremental growth of MASS throughout the years.

“MASS was started in the 1960s,” Tzeuton said. “It started very small since the population of African students at McGill was limited. It’s been growing steadily since and found its peak in the early 2000s.”

MASS hosts various social and informational events in hopes of promoting African culture to educate students across campus. Recently, it hosted a three-day conference and brought in speakers from Africa and the U.S. to talk about topics ranging from female empowerment to the legitimacy of Africa’s growth. Past social events include ‘The Anioula: A Black and White Charity Banquet,’ one of its annual events that brought together African and non-African cultures alike, with various cultural dishes and performances. Mass’ ultimate goal is to create a community across McGill where all individuals feel welcome, regardless of their culture.

“We have ties and contacts with a lot of African and black associations throughout McGill and Montreal, as well as having active alumni,” Tzeuton said. “We are definitely not in competition, and mostly try to promote each others events, and make sure we are not hosting [the] same [events].”

Tzeuton explained how MASS was initiated, and why she believes the association is important and should be present in all universities.

“In the past, I think the African population was so small that it was necessary to promote our culture,” she said. “Today, I believe that not having such associations would demonstrate a complete ignorance of the diverse cultural backgrounds our student body has.”

However, Tzeuton said she still feels that perceptions of Africa stray from the truth, and that she wants to help fight these stigmas with MASS.

“There are still much too many stigmas around African culture,” she said. “I’m constantly aware of how ignorant people are when it comes to their image of Africa. Too many people still see the continent as only synonymous with war, poverty, and sickness.”

On a personal note, Tzeuton explained how coming to Montreal from France and engaging with such a strong community has helped her reconnect with her African heritage and grow as a person.

“I’ve learned so much about my culture being in contact with [the] African youth who actually want to improve things and change the negative perceptions linked with the African culture,” she said. “I feel that growing up, I was deprived of all this knowledge about my African heritage and this has changed incredibly since coming to Montreal.”

Tzeuton stressed the desire to see Africans as well as non-Africans become members and join MASS’ events, believing that the underlying role of the association is to promote diversity.

“People have to be constantly reminded that the club is not exclusively for Africans,” Tzeuton said. “We understand that it is difficult to be a minority, but non-Africans usually love our events once they diverge from their comfort zone. We want people to come and appreciate a culture that we are so proud of. At least if they do have questions they should come to us instead of keeping them to themselves.”

Saul Muskin, U3 International Management major, applauded the creation of a club to facilitate inter-cultural dialogue. 

“I think it’s cool that a club like [MASS] exists and it’s great that Africans and non-Africans can celebrate African culture together through their events,” he said. 

Ines Blondet, U3 double concentration in International Business and Marketing, also commented on the positive nature of the club.

“I really loved [MASS]—they have amazing events. I’ve been to their African party and I loved the dancing,” she said. “I’m thinking of going to the Gala since they have a ton of performances, dancing, theatre, and singing.”

For the future, Tzeuton said that she wants to see MASS organise events that target a broader audience.

“I’d like to see more cultural events at MASS, more chill events like having an African movie night, or dance classes that would help non-Africans feel less self-conscious about coming to our events,” Tzeuton said. “Overall, I’d like for the association to host events that target a broader audience.”

 

a, Opinion

Towards a new system of social security

by Justin Hatherly on

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The Canadian government has a wide array of programs in place to alleviate poverty. At the federal level alone, the government spends 10 per cent of GDP on a multitude of cash transfer programs. Despite this, around nine per cent of Canadians still live in poverty. The solution could be to guarantee an income to all Canadians who fall below a certain threshold through a Negative Income Tax (NIT).

An NIT is a variant of a basic income, which is a payment granted unconditionally to all citizens regardless of financial need. Currently, individuals are allowed to earn a certain amount of income tax-free. Under a NIT, if an individual earned no income at all, they would get a cash payment from the government of half the tax-free allowance. For each additional dollar earned, the transfer would be reduced by 50 cents. As such, the supplemental income received as a result of a transfer will be half the remaining amount that the person needs to reach the upper limit of no income taxation. Once individuals reach the threshold, they would neither pay income tax nor receive a cash transfer.

Though seemingly radical, there are many advantages to an NIT. Presently, the current myriad of welfare programs fails to provide adequate income security to those in need. By replacing them with an NIT, a floor could be created below the living standard of every Canadian citizen that is above the poverty line. In addition, the NIT does not impose heavy disincentives on low-income people seeking to work. Under many of the current welfare programs, for each dollar of income a recipient earns, the individuals can often have benefits scaled back by two dollars. In contrast, as demonstrated in the example above, the NIT would always leave a recipient better off in work than on assistance. If set at an appropriate level, the NIT could provide a more generous level of income support than most of our existing cash transfer payments.

The NIT would allow many who currently suffer from poverty to live as responsible, independent citizens.

In an age of increasing economic uncertainty, the NIT could also help Canadians adjust to economic shocks. Technological innovation, while bringing benefits to the population at large, is likely to destroy many jobs in its wake. Given that many people who lose their jobs are likely to have difficulty finding new ones in a similar industry or at a similar skill level, the NIT could provide a broader sense of economic security.

Perhaps most importantly, the NIT would also allow many who currently suffer from poverty to live as responsible, independent citizens. The present set of welfare programs often treat beneficiaries in a paternalistic manner. They often stipulate what recipients can spend their money and can be sources of shame as well. Under the NIT, the poor would be given cash and regarded as responsible adults, capable of spending the money they receive on what they need most.

The NIT is also superior to a flat basic income that is given to all citizens regardless of initial income. While this would reduce poverty, it would do nothing to improve income inequality and would cost far more than a targeted program.

To be politically viable and affordable, the NIT should replace all existing cash transfers. This would mean that all existing programs that provide cash assistance to Canadians, ranging from Employment Insurance to provincial social assistance, would be abolished. Instead, an NIT would create a more adequate safety net and do away with large proportions of Canada’s vast welfare bureaucracy.

Although Canada is a very developed nation, it is still an unfortunate reality that many citizens still struggle to meet basic necessities. The NIT, if designed correctly, could create the means for Canada to attempt to eradicate much of the poverty that remains.

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