Latest News

Montreal, News

Demonstrators across Quebec protest Roberge’s abolition of the PEQ immigration stream

by Amelia H. Clark on

More in Montreal:

Protesters gathered in front of the Ministry of Immigration on Feb. 7 to protest Immigration Minister Jean-François Roberge’s decision to abolish the Programme de l’expérience québécoise (PEQ), a popular immigration program for international students and foreign workers seeking to obtain Canadian citizenship. The demonstration was organized by Le Québec c’est nous aussi, Syndicat APTS, Confédération des Syndicats Nationaux (CSN), and Les Orphelins Du PEQ.

Prior to this decision, the PEQ admitted 20,000 people annually, all required to have advanced French language skills and at least two years of work experience in the province under a Quebecois employer. Meeting these criteria, participants could obtain a Quebec Selection Certificate (CSQ) from the Ministry of Immigration, Francization, and Integration, which affirmed that the holder had been selected to settle in Quebec. Participants could then apply for permanent residency in Canada. 

Roberge abolished the program on Nov. 6, replacing it with the Skilled Worker Selection Program (SWSP). The SWSP is a points-based system that assesses applicants depending on how their labour skills factor into the province’s market needs. It also requires applicants to have a degree, thereby excluding international undergraduate students. Those who were already pursuing Canadian citizenship through PEQ will not have any advantages under the SWSP system.

Chloe Brough moved from France to Montreal three years ago with her husband and two children. She, like many others, was expecting to settle in Canada permanently through the PEQ, and now feels she has no real chance of receiving citizenship through the SWSP. 

“My only chance to stay here is the PEQ,” Brough said. “When I came in 2023, […] it was granted that I could stay in Quebec. I’m highly qualified, I have two kids, we are French. It was heartbreaking, […] the feeling of betrayal by this development [….] What are we going to offer to the kids back in France? We are integrated and we want to stay here. It matters for us.” 

This demonstration was one of seven across Quebec, with several thousand in total marching for the reinstatement of the PEQ or the implementation of a grandfather clause, which would grant a CSQ to immigrants already established in Quebec under the PEQ. 

Guillaume Cliche-Rivard, Parliament member and speaker for Quebec Solidaire, began the demonstration by announcing to the crowd of nearly 150 that protests will persist until the government agrees to honour its promise of citizenship to immigrants enrolled in the PEQ.

“In this crisis, Jean-François Roberge did something that I didn’t think he was capable of doing. He has named himself the worst immigration minister in Quebec’s recent history,” Cliche-Rivard announced. “It is terrible, the attack on Quebec’s reputation that Jean-François Roberge has made. All over the world, we see images of broken promises from people who have travelled to Quebec, who have learned French, who have studied at its institutions, who have worked day and night for Quebec, and who are abandoned.”

Afterwards, Cliche-Rivard expanded on his speech in an interview with The Tribune, stating that Roberge’s decision is senseless in the eyes of the public and Parliament alike. 

“This cannot stand. We promised so much to these people. They left everything behind to work here and immigrate here, and now we’re going to abandon them,” Cliche-Rivard said. “[Roberge is] the only one thinking this is a good idea. Now, Quebec is unanimous, asking him to quash that decision and to go back with the program that was so good for Quebec. So, the only thing he has to do now is to reinstate the PEQ.”

CSN President Caroline Senneville took the stage next, noting that Roberge’s decision harms international students who came to the province for its multicultural reputation, a trait which she believes will greatly diminish should the program not be reinstated. 

“This is a closing of the doors, a step backward, and it sends an extremely worrying message to thousands of people who are already integrated, already rooted, and already engaged in the society,” Senneville said. “The refusal to implement a grandfather clause is particularly scandalous. [Abolishing the PEQ] directly impacts people who have followed all the rules, completed their studies, and planned their future according to the program the government is thus abolishing [….] By abolishing the PEQ, the government is, once again, abandoning international students.” 

Shawn, a protester holding a sign that read “bait and switch,” who withheld his last name, said he came to the protest in support of his girlfriend, a former PEQ applicant who must now restart her immigration process. 

“A lot of people came here with a promise that they’d be able to build a life here. They came here to get a better future. What’s being done right now is basically robbing them of that promise,” Shawn said. “It’s dishonest to the people who invested themselves, came here, paid taxes, and are part of our communities [….] This country was built by immigrants, and now we’re closing the door behind them.”

*Caroline Senneville’s and the first of Guillaume Cliche-Rivard’s quotes were translated from French

McGill, News

The Tribune Explains: Support for Black students on McGill campus  

by Kaitlyn Schramm on

More in McGill:

As McGill marks Black History Month (BHM) this February, the university and student groups alike are hosting events to celebrate Black histories, cultures, and contributions on campus. Beyond month-long programming, McGill also offers a range of institutional services and student-run organizations for academic, mental health, and community support throughout the year for its Black students. The Tribune breaks down the resources that are currently available to Black students, from university-led initiatives to student-organized spaces, with instructions on how to access these resources. 

What events is McGill hosting for BHM? 

McGill’s keynote event for BHM will take place on Feb. 12 with Sabaa Quao, founding president of the marketing agency PlusCo Venture Studio. In the talk, titled “One Step Back. Two Steps Forward,” Quao will share ideas for young entrepreneurs and creatives gleaned from his experience in technology, finance, and culture. Although registration has already filled up for the event, students can watch the keynote through a livestream on McGill’s website. 

What student-run events are happening this month?

Beyond McGill’s events, student group-organized activities will also run throughout the month. The Black Students’ Network (BSN), McGill African Students’ Society (MASS), and the Caribbean Students’ Society (CSS) are all holding events with social, cultural, and educational themes during February.

Throughout February 2026, McGill is advertising a series of student-run events in honour of BHM, including a hair workshop hosted by the CSS on Feb. 11, and the BSN’s Black Canada Panel led by Dr. Melissa Shaw on Feb. 20. On Feb. 16, there will be a Black Legacy Dinner featuring both a panel and dinner event celebrating Black excellence and achievement hosted by the National Society of Black Engineers (NSBE) McGill chapter as part of its BHM programming. 

McGill’s Black Varsity Association (BVA)is hosting a panel event on Feb. 27, alongside weekly posts every Friday in February, that highlight Black athletes in a series called “Unsung Heroes.” 

The Black Law Students’ Association of McGill (BLSAM), the Women of Colour Collective (WOCC), the Black Medical Students’ Association (BMSA), and Canadian Black Nurses McGill (CBNA) are also hosting events throughout the month. A complete schedule of all the different student group-organized events is available on McGill’s BHM webpage. 

Additionally, McGill’s Community Outreach and Branches pages highlight ongoing student engagement and community-building initiatives by and for Black students year-round.

What services does McGill offer its Black students?

McGill provides a mix of institutional support and community-oriented services aimed at supporting Black students. 

The Anti-Black Racism Action Plan, the university’s broader anti-Black racism initiative, includes mental health supports, scholarships and awards tailored for Black students, and toolkits to help students connect with campus services.

McGill also offers financial support through the Black Equity Fund for student and faculty initiatives that aim to address anti-Black racism, including support for events, projects, and research. The application for funds is open from September through April, and applicants may apply for up to $1,500 CAD per application. 

For Black students searching for mental health support, McGill offers a variety of mental health resources such as a team of Local Wellness Advisors with dedicated training to battle the mental health side effects connected to anti-Black racism. Melissa Cobbler, Sabrine Nérée, and Angela Ahenkorah are the three mental health professionals at the Wellness Hub who advise Black students on a myriad of issues, from traditional mental health struggles to race-related ones. 

Additionally, McGill runs a Black Mentorship Program through the Black Alumni Association that pairs students with alumni for academic and professional guidance. 

Student Life

Single? Here’s how to make the most of Valentine’s Day

by Gregor McCall on

More in Student Life:

For some, Feb. 14 marks a time to celebrate Cupid and his eternal casting of divine arrows into the souls of kindred lovers for time immemorial. For others, it’s a corporate-manufactured holiday fabricated solely to sell greeting cards and pompous kitsch. Yet, even subscribing to the latter set of beliefs makes it no easier to witness the never-ending songs of lovebirds basking in displays of romantic affection. It’s true—couples have it easy on Valentine’s Day. But why should they get all the fun? The Tribune has gathered everything you need to know to enjoy Valentine’s Day while flaunting the bachelor(ette) life.

Old School Mile-End Dance Party at Bar le Ritz

What better way is there to shake off the mid-winter single blues than dancing late into the night? Step back into the Mile-End golden age of hipster moustaches and indie sleaze at Bar le Ritz’s one-of-a-kind Valentine’s Day event. Dress to the nines in your best vintage attire, and prepare to get sweaty as you bust out your best moves on the dance floor. What’s more, dancing has been demonstrated to reduce stress and increase serotonin levels—a perfect remedy to leave any winter slump and boost your mental health. Who knows, maybe you’ll even meet that special someone you’ve been waiting your whole, albeit short, romantic life for. 

Treat yourself

Going on a Valentine’s Day date need not be the purview of couples alone. Sometimes, the best date is one you take yourself on. The Montreal restaurant scene offers a wide range of Valentine’s Day date options, many of which feature special prix-fixe tasting menus. While getting a reservation as a couple can be a strenuous, expensive, and onerous ordeal, it is immensely easier to do so as a solo diner. Take advantage of only needing to pay for one plate, and treat yourself to a well-earned and delicious meal that would make anyone’s partner jealous. If reservations aren’t your thing, don’t fret—try restaurants like the Plateau’s Yokato Yokabai or Pointe-St.-Charles’ Bar Milky Way, which operate on a first-come, first-served basis. Even if there’s a line, you’ll likely be seated much quicker than if you were with a group. 

A spa day with a discount

Fight the blistering cold with hot steam and relaxing thermal pools at one of Montreal’s many spas, which offer an enticing student discount. At Spa Centrale Parc and Spa Ovarium, you’ll be able to trade in your Student-ID for a 15 per cent discount from Monday to Thursday. At Espace Nomad, students are eligible for 20 per cent off all treatments on Thursday evenings, while at Spa Carre St-Louis, students enjoy a $20 CAD discount from Monday to Thursday. Though you won’t be able to redeem such discounts on Valentine’s Day itself, a spa day makes the perfect gift to yourself. Take your mind off the holiday pageantry with a day filled with mindfulness and tranquillity.

Host a singles-only romance extravaganza

Whether it’s When Harry Met Sally or Heated Rivalry, hosting a romance-filled movie night with friends is one of the best ways to feel the love sans lover. To enhance the experience, make celebratory treats like chocolate-covered strawberries or The Tribune’s very own ‘Cupid’s Chocolate Lava Cake.’ You could even shake things up with a lovey-dovey cocktail like a Between the Sheets, Naked & Famous, or Very Sexy Martini. Either way, spending the day with those who care the most for you //is// the purpose of the holiday. After all, according to Plato, love between true friends is the highest form of connection we can experience, one that unites souls together for eternity. 


Being single on Valentine’s Day isn’t something to dread in the least. Take care of yourself, and you’ll be able to get some tender love and care with no scrubs to ruin it. And if it’s any consolation, all that time spent spreading amour only got Saint Valentine decapitated. Maybe the pessimists really do have it right.

Editorial, Opinion

Montreal upholds its colonial legacy by failing to prioritize reconciliation

by The Tribune Editorial Board on

More in Editorial:

On Nov. 18, Montreal Mayor Soraya Martinez Ferrada announced the composition of her new 14-member executive committee, with roles ranging from security and housing to green economic development. While Ferrada’s committee included a plethora of portfolios, it omitted a committee member explicitly responsible for reconciliation with Indigenous Peoples—a role that had been active for almost eight years under the Valérie Plante administration. 

Ferrada has insisted that reconciliation remains a top priority for her administration, stating that the responsibilities of the role would instead be handled by Associate Councillor of Cultural Services, Diversity and Inclusion (SDIS), Josué Corvil. However, Corvil’s title contains no explicit reference to reconciliation.

In conflating reconciliation efforts with ‘cultural diversity and inclusion,’ Ferrada’s government has failed to re-enshrine the importance of acknowledging, atoning for, and taking action to provide redress for Canada’s history of colonial violence and dispossession. Instead, this homogenization collapses nation-to-nation responsibility into a vague diversity mandate. The Ferrada administration must reinstate the role and pursue reconciliation in its genuine form: A distinct political relationship rooted in Indigenous sovereignty that addresses the city’s presence on the unceded land of the Kanien’kehá:ka, Anishinaabeg, Abenaki and Huron/Wendat peoples.

Plante first introduced the reconciliation role in 2018 following citywide criticism for her executive committee’s lack of racial diversity. When announcing the creation of the role, Plante framed it as critical to strengthening dialogue with Indigenous nations and improving the efficacy of the city’s reconciliation efforts. Yet, the changes Plante’s cabinet implemented through this role remained superficial, neglecting deep-rooted issues that affect Indigenous people at disproportionate rates, such as police harassment, anti-Indigenous racism, and homelessness. Municipal action repeatedly stalled at symbolism—resulting in statements, consultations, and commemorations without durable policy, funding or enforcement. 

The Ferrada government had an opportunity to correct the egregious shortcomings of prior administrations, but by abolishing the reconciliation role, her government has abandoned its obligations—not only to move beyond the lacklustre efforts of her predecessors, but to commit to reconciliation at all. Many of the issues central to the objectives of reconciliation—land claims and stewardship, consent over development, policing, and criminalization—do not fall under the ‘diversity’ umbrella of responsibilities, making her restructuring of the committee nonsensical and highly problematic. 

Indigenous children are over 17 times more likely to be removed from their families and placed in the child welfare system than non-Indigenous children. These high rates of parent-child separation are a direct continuation of the Residential School system, which perpetuated a multi-generational cycle of family disruption. Clearly, combating colonial structures, which are deeply embedded in every aspect of governance, policing, healthcare, and child welfare, requires more than standardized Equity, Diversity, and Inclusion (EDI) measures. Any policy that governs enforcement, service access, or institutional oversight should require not just consultation, but active inclusion and decision-making power. Yet, with the removal of this role, the cabinet has done more than sideline reconciliation—it has eliminated Indigenous representation altogether, effectively shutting Indigenous voices out of executive decision-making. 

The city’s decision to bury reconciliation inside Corvil’s role under SDIS runs parallel to McGill’s own chronic failure to prioritize genuine reconciliation measures. The university has repeatedly claimed its commitment to the 94 calls to action identified by the Truth and Reconciliation Committee and its own 52 Calls to Action, yet it has repeatedly failed to deliver anything more than mere symbolic commitments to institutional change. Empty land acknowledgements cannot conceal the fact that the university continues construction of the New Vic Project and aggressive legal injunction against the Kanien’kehá:ka Kahnistensera (Mohawk Mothers) despite mounting evidence of potential human remains on the site. 

If reconciliation is truly a priority, both Montreal and McGill need to act as such—structurally, not rhetorically. Reconciliation cannot be managed as a sub-file of ‘inclusion.’ It is a political process that demands redistribution of power, consent, and sustained action.

News

Cecil Foster challenges Canada’s founding narrative in MISC lecture

by Asher Kui on

More in News:

On Feb. 2, the McGill Institute for the Study of Canada (MISC) hosted a lecture titled “Determining new international and domestic orders: Reflections on modern Canada’s endurance and more so resilience as Black and West Indian.” The lecture was given by Cecil Foster, a professor at the Department of Africana and American Studies at the University at Buffalo.

Daniel Béland, a professor at McGill’s Department of Political Science and MISC’s director, began the event with a land acknowledgement, along with a brief description of Foster’s work and McGill’s initiatives during Black History Month.

“Each year, Black History Month at McGill brings together students, staff, faculty, alumni and community members through […] [opportunities] to learn, reconnect and celebrate Black communities’ contributions to education and research,” Béland said. “[Foster] is a leading author, academic, journalist, and public intellectual. His work speaks about the challenges that Black people have encountered historically in Canada and their efforts to achieve respect and recognition for their contribution to what is now a multicultural Canada.”

Béland then passed the microphone to Foster, who began by highlighting the presupposition that Canada’s social resilience comes from its historical and perpetual whiteness—whether it be Anglophone, Francophone, or a combination of the two. Foster then presented his counterargument, claiming that Canada’s history and political structure today reflect a longstanding British West Indian heritage.

“From even its earliest days as a settler colony, Canada was inherently Black,” Foster said. “To this day, a social justice model of development based on Diversity, Equity, and Inclusiveness reflects Canada’s undeniable historical, cultural, and British West Indian heritage. This is an identity that dominant Canada always tried to deny in preference for the whiteness imposed through structural and institutional conformity and corruption.”

Foster then made a connection to Prime Minister Mark Carney’s speech at the 2026 World Economic Forum Meeting. In his speech, Carney implied that many people in the world live under the illusion that current domestic and international orders produce justice for everyone. Foster referred to Donald Willard Moore, a civil rights activist who publicly criticized Canada’s racist immigration laws in 1954, suggesting that Carney acknowledged Canada’s fundamental Blackness.

“Although not seen so directly, Carney was implying [that] Canada is fundamentally Black in its cultural values, expressions, and aspirational mores and ethos,” Foster said. “Could Carney have had in mind the words of the Black porters and those of the Negro Citizenship Association, [who] […] challenged the Canadian government not to be afraid of the changing times and the noisiness that comes with changing social orders?” 

Foster then mentioned Carney’s speech at the Citadelle of Quebec just two days after the World Economic Forum Meeting, where Carney recounted the Battle of the Plains of Abraham. He framed it as a pivotal point in history when Canada chose accommodation over assimilation, recognizing its two founding peoples—the English and the French. Foster criticized such a narrative, arguing that it erases Black contributions in Canada.

“These are ethno-nationalist narratives presupposing and even defending the centrality of whiteness and the marginalization of all non-whites, in effect sidelining all other peoples in their various forms and ethnicities [and] racialized Blackness,” Foster said. “British soldiers and sailors in steaming ports like Montreal, Quebec City […] were demographically multicultural British subjects and prototypical modern Canadians. Most of them were Black with their home bases in the British West Indies [….] With the technological change to introduce trains, as the sleeping car porters on Canada’s railways that knitted Canada together, they had always a sense of belonging to Canada and always fought for inclusion and to be treated as equals to all Canadians.”

Foster then focused his lecture on a period during which there were repeated calls and appeals for the British West Indies to become part of the Canadian Confederation. Following the Slavery Abolition Act, many prominent Canadians wanted to establish a single political jurisdiction of British colonies in the Americas. The proposal did not materialize, as the population of the British West Indies was predominantly Black, while Canada officially portrayed itself as white. Foster highlighted that the British West Indies in 1838—when Black people were considered free members of society for the first time—were a leading example of changing social orders.

“To be a Negro meant to not have a country of belonging,” Foster said. “A single jurisdiction, among other things, would help create an order where freedom would confront enslavement, [where] British values of inclusion and diversity […] [would confront] American values of exclusion, white assimilation and individualism. Two different moralities [sought] to establish a single dominant order [….] In Frederick Douglass’s view, the British West Indies epitomize, worldwide, the highest ideals of human freedom and dignity, and was a model of societal nationalist formation to be copied throughout the Americas by the 1860s.”

Foster then quoted a speech from 1957 presented by former chief minister of Jamaica Norman Manley, in which Manley pointed out that the British West Indies were able to answer the ‘race question’ before many other countries.

“I dare to say that the West Indies have travelled hundreds of years ahead of large parts of the world in solving the problems of how people of different races and origins can live together in harmony,” Foster quoted. “One has only to look around this room to comprehend that we have completely exploded the myth of racial superiority, and we are rapidly progressing to a higher level in that field than most countries know, because with us, it is ceasing to be a matter of tolerance. For a tolerance itself presupposes that there is something to be tolerated, and it ceases to be a matter of acceptance, because acceptance in itself presupposes that there is some problem to overcome and some difficulty to be accepted.”

Foster ended his lecture by encouraging the audience to revise established narratives of Canadian history, emphasizing how Black communities are not merely contributors but foundational to the establishment of modern Canadian values.

“As we live in academically stimulating times, there are challenging times, but only if we continue to live the lie of dominant narratives,” Foster said. “This is an opportunity to think of all of our separate ethnicities and nationalities […] as examples of how humanity’s dignity has always fought the established enduring social orders [….] Canada was always Black, and its multicultural values and ideals that now set it apart are those developed similarly […] in the former Black British West Indies.”

The event then moved on to a Q&A session. Debra Thompson, associate professor in McGill’s Department of Political Science, questioned whether Black understandings of freedom are commensurate with multiculturalism in Canada.

“[Can] the equation of all that comprises Black understandings of freedom and radicalism that frequently are imagined beyond the boundaries of any nation state, and certainly beyond the boundaries of liberal democracy or capitalism, really be rolled into multiculturalism?” Thompson asked.

Foster responded by highlighting that we must remove institutional boundaries when considering multiculturalism.

“If you start with the notion that the nation is of the people demographically and not institutionally, then it can work,” Foster said. “It might very well mean, as is being attempted now in Canada and elsewhere, the radical dismantling of many of the institutions. That’s the only way you can bring about reconciliation [….] You start by the will of the people, so that the nation becomes a projection of the will of the people, rather than the nation being an ethno-nationalist notion where people are forced or slotted into the nation, and those who don’t meet a specific criteria are excluded.”

Nadia Alexan, founder of the non-profit Citizens in Action, spoke next. She commented on the shifting political power of the wealthy, and how the current global order is increasingly shaped by elite interests rather than the true will of the people.

“The biggest danger we have now is the billionaires who have hijacked our governments. They are not content with influencing the government. They now want to be the government,” Alexan said. “It’s unbelievable what is going on, and that’s the danger […] as long as they keep making profits and cannibalizing the world.”

Foster emphasized that the initiative which started in the British West Indies and the Americas may facilitate new perspectives on international issues.

“As we think about the future, the lessons that we can learn from the experiences that have been developed in no other part of the world than in the Americas […] gives us a kind of a uniqueness,” Foster said. “We can look at all of these things and try to make sense of them and maybe share some of our experiences […] as to how some of these things might be overcome.”

Prof Profiles, Science & Technology

Meet your prof: Loydie Jerome-Majewska

by Amy Gelfand on

More in Prof Profiles:

From uncovering the genes that cause birth defects to serving as Chair of the Board of Directors of the Canadian Black Scientists Network, Professor Loydie Jerome-Majewska has been a catalyst for change across fields. She serves as a professor in McGill’s Department of Pediatrics and senior scientist at the Research Institute of the McGill University Health Centre. Jerome-Majewska sat down with The Tribune to shine light on her work in developmental biology and her efforts to advance equity and representation in the field.

Since the start of her academic journey at Wesleyan University, Jerome-Majewska has approached science with curiosity and an open mind. As an undergraduate pursuing an honours degree in biology, she gained hands-on laboratory experience working with her advisor, Laura Grabel, a professor in the Department of Biology.

“She was this amazing researcher who had children of her own, who danced after work, I mean, she just did it all,” Jerome-Majewska said. “And I thought that was just awesome. And so, I applied for graduate school.”

Jerome-Majewska continued her studies in graduate school at Columbia University’s medical campus in New York City.

“I worked with another amazing woman, [Virginia] Papaioannou,” referencing her graduate advisor and a prominent developmental biologist. “[She] was making a genetic mutation in mice using embryonic stem cells. It was brand new. Had never been done. I’ve just been fortunate to have really good advisors, and she also had children, whilst doing amazing science, she was just an amazing person.”

Combined with her postdoctoral work at the Memorial Sloan Kettering Cancer Institute with Elizabeth H. Lacy as her postdoctoral advisor—one of the women who started the whole molecular biology techniques in mice—Jerome-Majewska’s academic journey laid the foundation for her current research. Currently, she focuses on developmental disorders, using mouse models to predict how gene mutations could affect human patients.

“Now I’m interested in researching babies with congenital malformation at the time of birth, who have malformations when they’re born because things went wrong during embryogenesis.”

With a person-first approach to science, Jerome-Majewska emphasizes the importance of setting priorities to maintain balanced academic excellence, which, for her, meant stepping down from teaching to focus on her research.

“I enjoyed my teaching. I met some awesome undergrads, but you have to do it well. I’m doing a lot of other things too. I can’t do it all. You can never do it all,” she said.

Nevertheless, while the field of developmental biology continues to flourish, Jerome-Majewska notes that inclusive representation remains a challenge.

“I think there are things that impede how far we’ve moved into not just my field, but in science in general, because I don’t think everybody interested or excited who can contribute has been able to participate and contribute,” Jerome-Majewska said. “I think humans have huge potential, and if we could have all of the different people participate, we’d be so much further. Yeah, so in that way, I think that’s too bad for all of our field […], if everybody’s doing the same thing, we’re not gonna get anywhere.”

This recognition of social barriers inspired her involvement with the Black Canadian Scientists Network, which, with over a thousand members, creates space for representation and collaboration in science and is currently focused on the GenCARE project.

“We’ve been able to get part of the Genome Canada grant to sequence the genomes of people of African ancestry, looking at diseases that impact the population negatively.”

Looking toward the future, Jerome-Majewska emphasizes the importance of building a more inclusive genetic research landscape for the future generation of researchers.

“I think, for the GenCARE project, I’m super excited, because, as a Black woman, I know that precision medicine is coming, and if we don’t have the DNA from people that look like me, it’s not gonna work. And I can do something about it, I have the skills. So, it’s a no-brainer.”

Commentary, Opinion

In exercising institutional restraint, McGill protects only itself

by Sofia Lay on

More in Commentary:

This past November, McGill’s Advisory Panel on Campus Expression (APCE) delivered a report on the state of academic freedom and expression at the university. The report recommended that McGill exercise “institutional restraint” and refrain from responding publicly to controversial geopolitical issues in order to preserve academic freedom. This policy encourages McGill to prioritize its reputation over critical advocacy, neglecting global responsibility under the pretense of protecting free thought.

Following the report’s publication, President and Vice Chancellor Deep Saini issued an enthusiastic statement affirming the APCE’s recommendations on campus expression. However, the report’s call for political neutrality undercuts McGill’s stated commitments to responsibility and global engagement. By extricating itself from political discourse, McGill forfeits its power to catalyze meaningful community discussion. 

Just last week, in light of the brutalization of Iranian protestors, McGill released an email directing students to mental health resources. Strikingly, this email was sent only to students on McGill records as Iranian passport holders and did not include a clear condemnation of the Iranian government’s actions. This message exemplifies McGill’s reticence to speak publicly on issues with global reach and disturbing human rights implications. 

While the university is eager to embrace its reputation as a globally-renowned institution, it engages selectively with the world around it, prioritizing its own reputation over advocacy. Because McGill’s priorities are not transparently reflected in its mission statements, the university’s decision to implement institutional restraint rings particularly dissonant. 

In its report, the APCE draws a false contrast between academic freedom and institutional positions, weaponizing this manufactured dichotomy to justify McGill’s silence on geopolitical issues. The report does not offer a clear definition of academic freedom, but merely describes the concept as “associational to freedom of expression” and bound by “the standards of scholarly research and inquiry.” The APCE’s intentional vagueness in defining academic freedom obscures the fact that official university stances and academic freedom are not inherently at odds with one another. Arguably, academic freedom is epitomized when educational authority figures can simultaneously espouse opinions and encourage community dissent. It is dangerous to conflate neutrality with equity and tolerance, as such practices vilify the expression of opinions. Additionally, if academic freedom extends only so far as “scholarly standards,” then opinions, institutional or otherwise, are protected only when they reinforce McGill’s pre-existing party lines.

This outcome—where the McGill administration’s biases are preached as nonpartisan and student voices are made political—is at clear odds with the APCE’s overarching goal of maintaining a vibrant academic and intellectual culture at McGill. 

The APCE advocates that McGill assume a neutral stance on all geopolitical issues. However, maintaining neutrality is a position in and of itself. In today’s polarized climate, acknowledging facts can be perceived as a political act. Institutional restraint enables McGill to refrain from affirming vital truths as suits the university’s agenda. In its report, McGill repeatedly refused to acknowledge genocide in Gaza, instead referring to the conflict as the “Israel-Gaza War.” Although intergovernmental organizations and NGO’s, including the UN, have repeatedly stated that the Israeli government’s actions align with the definition of genocide, in its report, the APCE employs misleading alternative terminology that downplays the conflict’s severity. 

Yet, McGill doesn’t stray from all political conviction. In 2022, the Provost issued a statement denouncing Russia’s invasion of Ukraine and expressing “shock and sorrow” over the conflict. Herein lies just one example of how the concept of neutrality can be selectively applied to uphold some truths while obscuring those deemed “too controversial” for public endorsement. In many critical instances, McGill, a school that prides itself on promoting the “dissemination of knowledge,” chooses to remain silent and protect its reputation. 

The APCE cited community outrage regarding previous university-issued geopolitical statements as a pretense for the necessity of institutional restraint. The report stated that, on an individual level, many faculty and staff members felt discouraged from voicing their opinions on political issues because they fear being negatively misinterpreted. Thus, the students are burdened with the responsibility to foster a campus environment that promotes constructive conversation and institution-level dialogue over ‘cancel culture,’ whereas professors—hired with a duty to protect academic freedom and promote discourse—are absolved of this duty. 

The APCE portrays institutional restraint as promoting academic freedom, drawing a false contrast between the declaration of political views and the protection of free thought. Yet, in today’s polarized social climate, even the truth has become politicized. Truth is imperative to freedom, both academic and otherwise. McGill would be wise to remember this.

Off the Board, Opinion

An ode to emails and the archival nature of the inbox

by Moyọ Alabi on

More in Off the Board:

I have often felt as though the diction and formalities of texting culture—or lack thereof—should emulate that of email correspondence. Emails preserve a level of linguistic intentionality that contemporary messaging platforms have largely flattened.

My affinity for emails began rather early. At the age of nine or ten, my school provided each student with a personalized institutional-domain Gmail address. As a child without a phone, this ‘brand-new’ mode of communication became my lifeline. 

This early exposure positioned email as more than a communicative tool; it became a formative space through which I learned the rhythms and nuances of written exchange. Email correspondence required a new level of intention, and through repeated engagement, I came to understand this attentiveness as intrinsic to the act of communication itself.

Electronic mail, as a hybrid epistolary form, preserves the intimacy and kinship of letter-writing whilst adapting correspondence to modern temporality, thereby sustaining the kind of relational exchange fundamental to human flourishing. 

As I grew up, my inbox became intertwined with moments of personal and academic development. It was through this electronic correspondence that I learned of scholastic achievements, opportunities, and acknowledgements that continue to shape my being. Beyond these moments, email also functioned as a consistent means of interaction, facilitating friendships in my adolescent years and professional relationships later on.

The Aristotelian notion of human flourishing, or eudaimonia, indicates that to live well is to participate in rational activity enacted through reflection, deliberation, and the sustained cultivation of virtue. Such activities unfold temporally and require the gradual shaping of one’s ethical and intellectual character through collective discourse. One comes to know one’s own reasoning through encounters with others and being respected within shared intellectual life.

Central to this is philia, a form of friendship rooted in mutual recognition and ongoing participation in one another’s intellectual and virtuous becoming. Aristotle positions such friendship as necessary to life itself because human beings do not actualize their capacities in isolation. Within this companionship, one’s thinking is both a sacred and social affair. 

To live well, then, requires communicative companionship. The sharing of reflections, deliberations, and affirmations in sustained intellectual discourse becomes constitutive of the flourishing life insofar as it situates rational activity within lived relational practice. 

It becomes difficult not to situate email within this relational structure. The exchange of drafts and written feedback sustains a form of intellectual companionship across distance. One participates in another’s thought process; one’s own thinking is received and built upon. Through such correspondence, thought becomes a joint venture. Where letters historically carried friendship across geographies, email preserves this epistolary nature within a temporality adapted to contemporary life.

The significance of the email does not lie simply in its ability to sustain intellectual companionship; it also permits one’s voice to circulate in its authored form. One writes oneself into presence, without needing to worry about an incoming message interrupting the cadence of thought before it has been completed: The email is composed in full before it is sent. There is something especially resonant in encountering one’s voice intact, given how often Black articulation has been historically mediated by white third parties. But with emails, diction remains one’s own. Cadence remains one’s own. Online correspondence is entangled with autonomous self-authorship. 

To look back on these threads is to encounter evidence of one’s becoming. Words once offered outward return and bear witness to intellectual growth, kinship, and authored presence across time. The inbox comes to function as a personal archive assembled unintentionally through the quiet accumulation of correspondence, preserving one’s exchanges and accomplishments.

If the medium through which we communicate shapes the emotional and relational experience it carries, then email’s hybrid form produces a communicative intimacy distinct from both handwritten letters and instantaneous direct-messaging. Emails are the beautiful halfway point, the love child of letters merged with direct messages and texts. They inherit the intentionality and reflective nature of handwritten missives whilst retaining the immediacy of digital delivery.

I fail to understand why one would deny oneself the opportunity to participate in this form of communication through the vessel of online mail. What a beautiful way to adapt to the times whilst still respecting the sacred passion of epistolary tradition. 

Cross-Country / Track, Know Your Athlete, Sports

Meet the co-chair of McGill’s Black Varsity Association

by Abby Kronenberg on

More in Cross-Country / Track:

When Ashleigh Brown, U4 Arts, first arrived at McGill, she had barely dreamed of being a varsity athlete, let alone running a campus-wide organization of athletes. Now, as one of the current Track and Field team captains, she juggles the responsibilities of student-athlete life with those of the Black Varsity Association (BVA)—McGill’s student-run initiative dedicated to uniting, supporting, and advocating for the university’s Black athletes.

The BVA was originally founded in 2000, but completely dissolved during the COVID-19 pandemic. Its then-leaders graduated, and with them left the association’s remaining support system. When McGill students and athletes returned to campus in 2022, two former BVA members invited Brown to join, and she has been active in the association since. 

Reviving the BVA was not a straightforward process and required convincing the McGill Athletics administration of its importance. In an interview with The Tribune, Brown shed light on the need for the BVA.

“Once you’re a person that goes so long without something, you start to […] think that you don’t need it,” Brown said. “But, with continuous advocacy, there’s always people who are willing to help and be allies. And it’s about finding those right people within the administrative level specifically. That’s been one of the tougher parts.” 

Beyond forming relationships with McGill Athletics’ administration, the main focus of the BVA is fostering community between its athletes. 

“Finding people who share your culture and help you feel comfortable is something that really helps you excel in your sport,” Brown said. 

As a Jamaican athlete herself, Brown recalled feeling surprised not to find any other Jamaican athletes on the track team. 

“It’s already enough that you’re an athlete and you come to a totally new province or totally new school, and you have to adjust to that. But imagine when there’s not a lick of people who can relate to you culturally. It can really impact you in your performance.”

As Brown has spent more time in the BVA, her responsibilities have increased, along with the gratification of the association’s hard work paying off. 

“The most rewarding part has been being able to see the community slowly become stronger in front of me. With the more events we have, people recognize each other and friendships are being formed.”

As the BVA’s current co-chair, Brown helps ensure that the association serves as a hub for resources tailored to McGill’s Black athletes. 

“I was once there, an athlete that knew nowhere to go for any type of resource, whether it be monetary or any type of mental health support that’s specific to the experiences that you face at the level that we compete and as a person of colour,” she said. “You have things like racism in sport all the time. But how can you get that help from people who actually know how to help you? I’ve been able to direct people to those spaces.”

Perhaps the biggest issue facing the BVA now has been McGill Athletics’ announcement that, as of next year, 25 of McGill’s varsity and club sports will no longer exist. One of the most surprising teams to be included in the list of cuts is the Track and Field team, which Brown said has the most Black athletes and athletes of colour of any McGill team. Since over half of the BVA’s executive board is on Track and Field, they face losing their status as athletes altogether. 

“I don’t agree with their decision [to cut Track and Field] at all,” Brown said. “It does not make any sense because our team is one of the best. And this year, we’ve been performing the best we ever have. The McGill track team is still fighting against this decision.”

Despite this upcoming uncertainty, Brown remains optimistic about the BVA’s future and its importance at McGill.

“I’m hoping we can continue, and that BVA continues to grow, and that the administration continues to, or eventually recognizes how important it is to have associations like these so that they can better support [their student-athletes],” Brown said. “But most of all, seeing athletes of colour feel comfortable at McGill has been one of the greatest things ever.” 

Commentary, Opinion

Legault’s gone—Bill 21 should be too

by Amélie Marquet on

More in Commentary:

Since his 2018 inauguration, Coalition Avenir Quebec (CAQ) leader and Quebec premier François Legault has prioritized secularization and the protection of Quebec’s francophone identity. His resignation in January 2026 has left the province in political uncertainty, particularly regarding Bill 21, which prohibits certain public servants—including police officers, judges, and teachers—from wearing religious symbols at work. 

The bill was adopted through the notwithstanding clause, which allows the provincial government to override sections of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms and prevents the Supreme Court from challenging Bill 21’s validity for the next five years. With Legault’s departure, Quebec faces a choice: Continue down a path that uses secularism as a pretext for exclusion, or seize this moment of political transition to address what Bill 21 truly represents. Far from being a neutral measure of secularism, Bill 21 functions as a legal tool that legitimizes systemic employment discrimination. Legault’s resignation removes the political figurehead most personally invested in defending this framework, making it both politically feasible and ethically necessary to re-examine whether Quebec’s commitment to secularism must come at the cost of systemic discrimination against religious minorities.

Quebec’s contemporary debates on secularism are rooted in sentiments dating back to the 1940s and 1950s, when the Catholic Church exercised significant influence over social and political life, administering schools, hospitals, and moral norms. The Quiet Revolution of the 1960s marked a decisive effort by Quebecois society to reduce religious influence and assert greater provincial control over public institutions. Although Bill 21 might function as a bulwark to limit religious impact on future governance, such objectives do not require the exclusion of religious minorities from public representation or employment.

The Bill disproportionately targets marginalized groups by banning visible religious symbols or clothing—including the hijab, the kippah, and the dastar. This comes as Islamophobia, xenophobia, and antisemitism are on the rise in Canada: Police-reported hate crimes targeting Muslims increased by 173 per cent from 2020 to 2024, and antisemitic hate crimes increased by 83 per cent from 2021 to 2023.

Compared to other provinces, Quebec has significantly higher levels of Islamophobia than the rest of Canada, with 56 per cent of Quebec residents reporting a negative view of Islam compared to 36 per cent outside of Quebec. This has forced religious minorities into an impossible position: Having to choose between removing required religious symbols, or giving up on a stable, public-sector job. State employment guarantees, on average, stability, security, better salary and retirement benefits. Bill 21, therefore, enforces structural inequality under a false sense of secularism and neutrality.

Furthermore, the bill creates symbolic exclusion, arbitrarily designating who is truly considered to have Quebecois Identity. As teachers, judges, and police officers embody public authority, the exclusion of religious minorities from these professions distances them from the province’s sphere of influence.

Bill 21 not only creates structural inequality in job opportunities but also in social representation. Montreal, the most diverse city in Quebec, reported that the city is approximately 11.9 per cent Muslim, 3.8 per cent Jewish, and 0.9 per cent Sikh in 2021. The bill does more than regulate religious symbols—it insinuates who the government believes belongs in Quebec’s public sector. 

The use of the notwithstanding clause to preemptively override Charter protections further normalizes limiting minority rights and permits the bill to be passed without adherence to the Charter of Rights and Freedoms. The clause’s use signals that minority protection can easily be suspended for political goals, and encourages future restrictions. 

Legault’s resignation offers Quebec’s next government a chance to chart a different course—one that doesn’t require the province to choose between secularism and inclusion.

1 … 17 18 19 20 21 … 1,363

Read the latest issue

Read the latest issue