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McGill, Montreal, News

Community rallies against closure of McGill’s Conservatory of Music

by Lily Cason on

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Dozens gathered in front of the Schulich School of Music on June 28 wielding signs, singing, and playing all manner of instruments. They were protesting McGill’s decision to close its Conservatory of Music at the end of the summer. McGill’s announcement, which came on June 20, cited high operational costs, a lack of space, and waning enrollment—worsened by the pandemic—as reasons for shutting down the program. 

The conservatory, housed in the Schulich School of Music, is a community program that has offered music lessons to people of all ages in the greater Montreal area for more than 100 years. Students, teachers, and community activists fighting its closure argue that it plays a vital role in the community, and that McGill could be trying harder to keep it running.

The McGill Course Lecturers and Instructors Union (MCLIU) organized the June 28 rally and launched a petition to keep the doors of the conservatory open. MCLIU president Raad Jassim explained the union’s stance in an interview with The McGill Tribune.


“It’s a labour issue. That’s number one,” Jassim said. “We have 100 instructors who are going to be losing their jobs. It’s called, in [the] labour code, mass firing [….] And there are no good reasons given to the union, to the members, to shut it down.”

According to Jassim, other unions, such as the McGill University Non-Academic Certified Association (MUNACA) and the McGill University Non-Academic Staff Association (MUNASA), will also be impacted by the conservatory’s closure. 

McGill’s claim that they do not have space to house the conservatory rings inaccurate to Jassim. He brought up the Royal Victoria Hospital—which is now under McGill’s control and sits empty, slated to undergo renovations for eventual use in 2028—as proof that enough space exists across McGill’s campus to continue the program. He further believes that the administration is prioritizing elite music education over community programming because it is more profitable.

“But is education only for money? Is our tax money only going to create money for the institute? These are the questions that we ask and [why] I have created a petition,” Jassim said.

Jennifer Bell, who taught at the conservatory for over 30 years, played the saxophone during the protest on June 28. A jazz coach, Bell described the unique nature of the conservatory and the diverse crowd that it draws in an interview with the Tribune.

“I don’t think there’s any other musical setting where you could have a group where a couple of the people are senior citizens [and] high school students,” Bell said. “We’ve had students in other faculties at McGill, we’ve had people who were […] doctors, lawyers, engineers, […] concierges, and garbage collectors [….] The diversity of the people that would come together in these groups is really quite incredible.”

Like Jassim, Bell believes that McGill is unwilling to develop a solution that could save the conservatory. Bell has also started the “Save McGill Conservatory of Music” Facebook group, at the request of a conservatory teacher, which has already amassed over 600 members. The page is used primarily to organize against the closure and to share testimonials about the conservatory’s positive impact as a creative outlet for the community. 

Claire Loewen, a McGill media relations officer, wrote in an email to the Tribune that McGill sees the conservatory as economically unsustainable and that the decision to close it is final.

“In recent years, the Conservatory has faced a growing number of challenges as operational costs have increased. It should be noted that the Conservatory is self-funded and receives no government funding,” Loewen wrote. “The lack of reliably available space is also a challenge. As the Schulich School of Music continues to grow its University-level programs, these spaces are now at a critical premium [….] The Schulich School of Music will be forming a working group to look at sustainable ways of furthering our commitment to community engagement in the future.”

McGill, Montreal, News

Bill 2 passes with proposed amendments; Queer McGill says more to be done

by Noa Crebassa on

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After months of controversy and public consultation, the National Assembly of Quebec adopted Bill 2 on June 7. The Bill was first introduced on Oct. 21, 2021 but was met with public outcry over components that were criticized as transphobic. At McGill, the opposition to Bill 2 was solidified with the formation of the McGill Coalition Against Bill 2 between the Students’ Society of McGill (SSMU), Queer McGill, and the Union for Gender Empowerment (UGE). 

Bill 2 originally required proof of gender-affirming surgery in order to change one’s sex designation on official papers; if one could not or did not wish to undergo surgery, their only option was to have separate sex and gender categories on their documents. The updated version of the Bill dropped this requirement, but retained a heavily-criticized provision that allows children over 14 to object to a parent’s change of gender label. Additionally, the amended Bill 2 waives the fee for the first gender change made on official documents—though any additional changes still incur a cost of $144—and introduces the option of selecting “X” instead of “male” or “female” as a gender marker. 

Kerry Yang, SSMU vice-president (VP) Student Affairs, and Val Mansy, SSMU VP External, acknowledge that the first version of the Bill was “a nightmare,” and that the amendments mark a welcome change. However, both executives expressed disappointment in some of the Bill’s unchanged sections. 

“The Bill 2 reform comes from years of struggle by trans activists. Indeed, the government of Quebec had no choice [but] to conform itself to the Moore Judgment rendered in 2021,” Yang and Mansy wrote in a joint statement to The McGill Tribune. 

Yang and Mansy further pointed to Minister of Justice Simon Jolin-Barrette refusing to accept the gender-neutral term “child” over “daughter” or “son” in the Quebec civil code as proof that progress is far from complete.

Grey Cooper, BA ’21, believes that the decision to amend Bill 2 was an appropriate response from the Coalition Avenir Quebec (CAQ), but that further changes, such as the inclusion of intersex individuals, should have been implemented.

“I think the Bill could have been altered more,” Cooper wrote in an email to the Tribune. “Overall the heavy medicalization of gender and sex markers reflects a lot of opinions that align more with the ‘trans exclusionary radical feminists’ than listening to trans and intersex people’s input.”

Beyond criticizing the content of the Bill, some, like Arwyn Regimbal, U1 Social Work and events coordinator at Queer McGill, take issue with the process through which the Bill was crafted. Regimbal primarily condemns how quickly the Bill was adopted despite the controversy and lack of consultation with the LGBTQIA+ community, considering how many members of the community are affected by it. 

“There are still provisions in the Bill that are inappropriate, or could be harmful towards people,” Regimbal wrote to the Tribune. “While I welcome many of the changes, I refuse to applaud the government based on their handling of the issue [….] I want to highlight [that] the original Court decision that ordered them to change the Civil Code was deliberately interpreted in the worst way to actively harm our community.”

Regimbal, Yang, and Mansy all agree that McGill’s reaction to Bill 2 has been disappointing, but unsurprising considering the university’s minimalistic approach to accommodating non-binary and transgender students on campus. Regimbal believes that McGill needs to address the adoption of Bill 2 as they have not released a statement since the Bill was tabled.

“McGill refused to take a stand on Bill 2, despite many faculties and organisations doing so,” Regimbald wrote. “I also believe that significant changes need to be made to the Wellness Hub before trans people feel comfortable seeking medical care.”
Those seeking support can contact the McGill University Sexual Identity Centre (MUSIC), Queer McGill, the Union For Gender Empowerment (UGE), or the Trans Lifeline. Those seeking legal advice can contact the Legal Information Clinic.

McGill, News

McGill to maintain partnership with Huawei despite federal ban from 5G network

by Benjamin Wexler on

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McGill University plans to maintain its research partnerships with Huawei Technologies Co., a Chinese telecommunications corporation recently barred from Canadian fifth-generation (5G) mobile networks by the federal government. 

The Canadian government announced the ban on May 19, after years of pressure from federal opposition parties over privacy concerns and the company’s close ties to the Chinese government. The Canadian military and the Canadian Security Intelligence Service (CSIS) have warned against Huawei’s participation in 5G for years, and CSIS believes that research partnerships also pose a threat. Academics interviewed by The McGill Tribune express similar concerns. 

McGill and other Canadian universities, such as the University of Toronto and the University of British Columbia, partner with Huawei for research and development projects. In an email to the Tribune, McGill media relations officer Frédérique Mazerolle wrote that McGill has a limited number of research partnerships with Huawei Canada in broadband networks and optical and wireless technologies.

According to a list compiled by Jim Hinton, an intellectual property (IP) lawyer and assistant professor at Western University, McGill professors have worked as inventors on 14 patents owned by Huawei since 2016—more than at any other Canadian university.

In an interview with the Tribune, Hinton warned that researchers at McGill may be contributing to the development of technologies, such as Huawei’s 5G technology, that benefit the Chinese government economically and strategically. However, these innovations cannot be implemented in Canada due to the federal government’s cybersecurity concerns.

“If this company can’t be trusted in our 5G networks, how can there be such a distinction made when it comes to even more cutting edge research?” Hinton wondered.

Chinese law requires companies to work with security and intelligence agencies upon request. Although Huawei denies any collaboration with the Chinese Communist Party, accusations of cyber-espionage have mounted—Australian intelligence services, for example, found a hack in Huawei technologies that transmitted data to China and then self-deleted. Leaked company reports also implicate Huawei in government surveillance of China’s population, including human rights abuses against Uyghur Muslims characterized by Canada’s House of Commons as genocide.

Meanwhile, the McGill administration says that these partnerships with Huawei are integral to the university’s ability to conduct research. 

“Research is a global endeavour and it is crucial that Canadian universities partner with others at home and abroad, public and private, to ensure Canada retains its place as a global research leader,” Mazerolle wrote. “Canada’s leading universities partner with companies from around the globe to conduct research that benefits Canada and the world.”

Some, like Hinton and Ben Fung, professor of cybersecurity at McGill’s School of Information Studies, question who really benefits from these partnerships. In interviews with the Tribune, both Hinton and Fung argued that the university is at a disadvantage in the patent process, and that the partner company often takes ownership of the technology instead of the university or researcher.

“After one or two years, the professor will rely on that external company’s funding, and expect that the company will continue funding the research,” Fung said. “That’s the moment the company can demand something that may not be reasonable [….] They may ask you to invent something that completely belongs to the company.”

Huawei owns exclusive IP rights to 13 of the 14 patented inventions identified by Hinton. Despite being privately owned, most of these projects were funded by the public sector and rely heavily on university equipment and infrastructure.

New federal guidelines make researchers complete a security risk assessment before receiving grants from the Natural Sciences and Engineering Research Council (NSERC). According to Mazerolle, many of McGill’s partnerships with Huawei involve NSERC funding. However, Fung expects companies to continue partnering with professors and benefitting from university resources even if they can’t receive grants through NSERC. As an alternative, Fung believes the government should publish a registry of foreign-state-affiliated organizations to ensure that professors are fully informed about the companies they work with.  

“There should be education to professors on the consequence[s] of collaborating with foreign state companies—that they may use the research for military use, and that this is not good for Canada,” Fung said. “It’s also not good for the reputation of the professor.”

Hinton advocates for stricter intervention in university partnerships, similar to what is required of American universities. In the U.S., universities must prove that they are not involved in risky partnerships with foreign-state-sponsored companies in order to secure Defense Department funding. 

“Somebody’s got to be the leader on this,” Hinton said. “The federal government, the provincial government, and the institutions themselves have to take responsibility.”

Hockey, Sports

How the NHL failed Nazem Kadri

by Tillie Burlock on

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With the Stanley Cup Finals kicking off late last week, the hockey world is already beginning to reflect on the narratives of the playoffs: Another first-round Leafs exit, a historic Connor McDavid performance, the brick wall of Jake Oettinger, and stand-out defence from Cale Makar.  

As fun as these narratives are, the neglected story of Nazem Kadri should be at the forefront. 

The story traces back to Kadri’s NHL beginnings in Toronto. After back-to-back 32-goal seasons in 2016-17 and 2017-18, the hockey world began to see glimpses of the player Kadri would later become. Filled with promise and potential, Kadri headed into the first round of the 2017-18 playoffs, where the Boston Bruins awaited. In game one, a chippy battle filled with missed calls led Kadri to the wrong side of Bruins forward Tommy Wingels, where he delivered a hit from behind that would result in a three-game suspension. The Leafs ultimately lost 7–4 in a game seven heartbreaker. The Leafs met the Bruins in the first round of the playoffs the following year and again, Kadri was suspended for five games for cross-checking Boston forward Jake DeBrusk in the head. 

This was the end of Kadri’s tenure as a Maple Leaf. 

In 2019, after being traded to the Colorado Avalanche, Kadri was suspended in the playoffs yet again, this time for a hit on Justin Faulk—eight games and the remainder of the Avalanche’s playoff run. At this point, it was more than just a few unlucky calls thrown Kadri’s way. 

It is imperative to put these incidents into the context of the league’s treatment of non-white players to understand their broader consequences—in the case of Nazem Kadri, this extends to the treatment from fans, coaches, opposing players, and referees.

Jumping forward to the 2021-2022 season, Kadri has put on an unbelievable performance with a career-high 87 points despite missing 11 games to injury, creating space for himself as one of the most valuable players on a deep Avs team. 

After driving to the net to try and tuck in a rebound in game three of the 2022 Western Conference semi-final, Kadri lost his footing, taking out Blues’ goaltender Jordan Binnington and leaving him with a season-ending injury. Despite no penalty being called on the play, and the majority concluding that it was a clear accident, Blues fans, players, and Binnington himself decided to take Kadri’s “punishment” into their own hands. 

Binnington, who has a history of making Islamophobic comments and has previously expressed his discontent with Kadri by swinging a stick at his head, decided it would be appropriate to throw a water bottle at Kadri during a post-game interview. Binnington justified his water bottle throw as a “God-given opportunity”. 

The NHL, despite claiming to support anti-racism, decided that Binnington’s actions were acceptable and gave no supplemental discipline for either. Not even a fine. 

St. Louis fans began to send vulgar, violent, and racist threats via direct messages to Kadri’s wife and children, resulting in the involvement of St. Louis law enforcement. The response from the St. Louis Blues? Silence. 

The Blues organization failed to condemn the attacks from their fans at any point in time. When asked about the threats, Blues Head Coach Craig Berube said “no comment”, a response he later revoked, instead citing his absence on social media for his unwillingness to speak on the matter. 

And as for the Blues players? While all silent on their socials and in post-game interviews, David Perron and Pavel Buchnevich went after Kadri in game four. Following a scuffle after the play, Buchnevich cross-checked Kadri from behind, at which point Perron flew in with a second, more violent cross-check, tackled Kadri to the ground and began to throw punches. 

Perron received a $5,000 fine, but still no suspension. 

In a conversation with the Tribune, U2 Management student and die-hard Leafs fan, Owen Anderson, shared his thoughts on the treatment Kadri has received throughout his time in the NHL.

 “Growing up as a Toronto Maple Leafs fan, I have gotten to watch nearly all of Kadri’s career,” Anderson said. “It was obvious that he was treated differently by the league, by the refs and by the fans. Hockey has a culture problem and unfortunately, Kadri has had to face it head-on. As a fan of the sport, you would hope that the league and referees would be impartial, but that just hasn’t been the case.” 

Jumping ahead to the Western Conference Final, Edmonton Oilers forward Evander Kane boards Kadri from behind, leaving him injured for the rest of the series and potentially the Stanley Cup Final. Kane—a repeat offender—got a one-game suspension. 

If Kadri were the perpetrator of any of these incidents, he likely would have received a hefty suspension. But these suspensions are not handed out when Kadri is the victim of violent abuse from opposing teams. Why? 

Tim Peel, a former NHL referee who was fired after being picked up on a hot-mic saying he wanted to call a penalty against the Nashville Predators, lent some insight into the minds of the referees who make the calls. In a tweet that was quickly taken down, Peel called Kadri’s injury “KARMA!”. Enough said. 

So here we are, asking ourselves what the league can do better in its treatment of players of colour. We even forget about Kadri’s unbelievable performance in game four of the Western Conference semi-final with a hat trick that carried his team to a 6–3 win. The focus is the racism that preluded it. 

And again, we ask the question—shouldn’t hockey be for everyone? 

In a world where Kadri is treated with such overt racism and negligence by the NHL and the Department of Player Safety, and where fans threaten his family and opposing players target him after whistles, in the corners, and in post-game interviews, it’s clear that we are just not there yet. 

Commentary, Opinion

Bill 96 further ingrains systemic racism

by Madison Edward-Wright on

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In a devastating decision taken by the National Assembly of Quebec on May 24, Bill 96—the newest addition to the province’s array of restrictive language laws—was officially adopted. While the Coalition Avenir Québec (CAQ) advertised the bill as another small step to protect the French language, the reality is that Bill 96 will alienate and discriminate against all those who are not francophone.

As a native English speaker born and raised in Quebec, I am used to being told that I am a second-class citizen because of the language that I speak. The Sûreté du Québec, the police force that is tasked with protecting me, is not required to communicate with me in English, no matter the circumstance. Moreover, I was only permitted to attend an English high school because my parents are anglophones. My children would be forced to attend French schools if I do not request a document from the Quebec government that certifies I graduated from an English high school. By preventing allophone and francophone children from attending English schools, the government is limiting the children’s abilities to learn a language used globally, across all industries. Moreover, existing legislation in Quebec seems to contradict The Convention on the Rights of the Child, which stipulates that children have the right to use their mother tongue and that education should allow children to fully develop as people—which is facilitated when done in a child’s preferred language.  

Bill 96 further delegitimizes my status as a Quebec citizen in the eyes of the government by ingraining my otherness as a non-francophone. I will now have to demonstrate that I am a “historic anglo” in order to receive medical services in English. If I work for a company that has more than 25 employees, I will have to conduct all internal and external business in French. The obstacles that white Quebec anglophones like me will have to face, however, can hardly compare to the repercussions of Bill 96 for Indigenous people and immigrants. 

Because neither group qualifies as historic anglophones, there is nothing guaranteeing the rights of Indigenous people or immigrants to receive healthcare in any language other than French. Unsurprisingly, the Quebec government uses the term “historic” to grant rights to anglophones but ignores the fact that Indigenous people are the historic caretakers of this land. The lack of accommodation for Indigenous people proves both that systemic racism is still rampant in the province and that the government has doubled down on its attempts at assimilation.

Immigrants can receive services in English during their first six months in Quebec, which are allotted to learn French—but once that time has passed, immigrants are expected to navigate services in French with the ease of a native speaker. The communication barriers the government is set on establishing will likely lead to a decrease in the quality of care, an increase in medical malpractice cases due to miscommunication between doctors and patients, or instances where doctors purposely misinform patients. Racialized patients already face neglect due to systemic racism in Quebec’s healthcare system and Bill 96 only increases the likelihood of more widespread discriminatory practices.

The targeted racism of Bill 96 extends throughout the government and into every business and institution, including the most formative—education. The Bill limits the educational opportunities of Indigenous youth by requiring them to follow a French curriculum rather than one determined by their respective communities. According to international and Canadian federal law, Indigenous peoples have the right to self-determination, meaning they have the right to oversee their own political, economic, and cultural development. Bill 96 directly contradicts and disregards this right, while also invoking the notwithstanding clause in the Canadian constitution for protection from federal challenges.

The Quebec government is also restricting the educational opportunities available to immigrant and Indigenous students by placing a cap on the number of non-historic anglophone students that can attend English CEGEPs. The CAQ’s targeting of these students stifles their educational opportunities, which is a clear sign that the party is not invested in the futures of minority groups in the province. 

The passing of Bill 96 disadvantages all non-francophones, but Indigenous people and immigrants are more affected than anglophones. The bill institutionalizes and legitimizes the racist ideal of assimilation of racialized and non-francophone groups in Quebec. It also makes emigration an enticing option for all those the Bill discriminates against, a consequence that falls in line with the Quebec government’s desire to create an entirely francophone population. Ultimately, Bill 96 joins the ranks of Bill 101, Bill 178, and Bill 86 in the Quebec government’s arsenal of laws that perpetuate systemic racism and discrimination against non-francophones throughout the province.

McGill, News

QS 2023 Rankings names McGill top university in Canada

by Shani Laskin on

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The Quacquarelli Symonds (QS) World University Rankings, published on June 8, listed McGill as the number-one university in Canada and the 31st in the world for the 2022-2023 academic year. In last year’s publication, McGill ranked close behind the University of Toronto (UofT) as the second-best university in Canada. The QS ranking is based on eight factors: Academic reputation, employer reputation, faculty-student ratio, citations per faculty, international faculty ratio, international student ratio, international research network, and employment outcomes.

McGill earned a total of 81.9 out of 100 points—a weighted average of its score in each category. McGill scored approximately 80 points in all categories except for faculty student ratio (68.9) and citations per faculty (59.6).  UofT and the University of British Columbia (UBC) took second and third place. McGill beat out UofT and UBC for the top spot due to their citations per faculty criterion—UofT scored 43.5 and UBC scored 42.1.

In an email to The McGill Tribune, McGill media relations officer Frédérique Mazerolle shared the administration’s pride in the university’s top ranking. She also explained that the university’s global reputation comes from the institute’s commitment to high-quality education.

“Our institution is recognized globally for the excellence of its teaching and research programs,” Mazerolle wrote. “While positive rankings can contribute to a good international profile, McGill’s international reputation is based on much more than that: [A] 200-year-old tradition of excellence in both research and teaching […] and a network of students and alumni who are ultimately our best ambassadors around the globe.”

While students were pleased by McGill’s accomplishment, many were skeptical of the ranking and its evaluation criteria.  In an email to the Tribune, Thibaut Baguette, U2 Engineering, pointed out that the ranking does not consider student well-being. He believes the quality of an institution varies from one person to another depending on student experiences, not just faculty achievements.

“I think [McGill’s ranking] is pretty cool, but apart from bragging rights, it doesn’t mean much,” Baguette wrote. “As with many other things, what’s good for one person isn’t necessarily good for another. What ultimately matters most is transparency and how much the university listens to what their students want.”

For others, including some racialized students, the ranking feels like an affront when compared with the racism they have faced while at McGill. Many students have also voiced frustration toward the administration about their refusal to divest from fossil fuels and their treatment of marginalized students.

Fanta Ly, 4L, has spoken out about her encounters with harassment from faculty and administration, including a call from the administration to her family falsely claiming she had died. Ly expressed that given her experiences, she does not want the ranking to influence other students to attend McGill. 

“[The ranking] means nothing to me and I hope it won’t encourage Black students to attend such a racist institution,” said Ly.

University rankings such as that of QS vary year to year due to changes at individual institutions and in the ranking criteria. In the past three years, McGill’s global QS ranking has fluctuated from 31st to 27th and back to 31st, but it has consistently been in the top 50 schools worldwide for decades. 

In a statement to the Tribune, Emma Gormley, U2 Management, explained that while she believes the ranking system is inherently flawed, she also acknowledges McGill’s rank as a helpful tool for her future goals. 

“Overall, university rankings are really arbitrary and there is a lot of evidence that criticizes their methodology and the privileging of certain faculties or institutions based on subjective reputations,” Gormley wrote. “Despite these flaws, however, rankings are essential for many professions or grad school applications so I cannot ignore McGill’s ranking and reputation.”

News, SSMU

SSMU suspends SPHR McGill over parody post, citing harassment

by Juliet Morrison on

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After publishing a satirical article on social media in protest of the Students’ Society of McGill University’s (SSMU) decision to revoke the Palestine Solidarity Policy, Solidarity for Palestinian Human Rights McGill (SPHR) received a 105-day suspension for harassment. SPHR will not be able to access any resources provided by the SSMU, such as funding opportunities, room booking privileges, or their SSMU bank account, until Aug. 29. Former SSMU vice-president (VP) Student Life Karla Heisele Cubilla notified SPHR of the Board of Directors’ (BoD) decision to suspend the organization on May 16 via email. 

The SPHR article, shared on April 25, was a caricature of SSMU’s April 25 statement announcing that the Society would not adopt the Palestine Solidarity Policy because it was deemed unconstitutional. SPHR’s message mimicked the format of the BoD’s announcement, but satirized SSMU and its decision-making, characterizing the processes as dictatorial.

In an interview with The McGill Tribune, SPHR executive Anya* explained that the statement was devised to raise morale among supporters of the Policy after the Palestine Solidarity Policy was struck down.

“There was a […] feeling of defeat, and, honestly, spirits were down,” Anya* said. “A lot went into this campaign, and a lot of people contributed. The parody was just a lighthearted way to criticize the Board for its decision.”

SSMU found that the post’s language—particularly, references to the BoD as the “Board of Dictators,” with “backbones made of jelly” who “uphold the white supremacist values of McGill’s Board of Governors”—to be in violation of article 3.1.6 of the Internal Regulations of Student Groups. According to article 3.1.6, all clubs’ operations must abide by SSMU and McGill’s rules, regulations, and by-laws. The SSMU claims that the language used by SPHR McGill constitutes harassment as per its Equity Policy and the McGill Policy on Harassment and Discrimination. 

While SPHR does not have access to room booking or funding opportunities from SSMU during its suspension, Anya* believes SPHR’s operations will not be greatly impacted. 

“We get most of our funding, and most of our resources from QPIRG [the Quebec Public Interest Research Group at McGill],” Anya* said. “With regards to funding, we don’t take funding from SSMU […] usually, just because we don’t want to deal with the receipts and have people’s identities be jeopardized.”

Other student groups have spoken out against SPHR’s suspension. In an email to the Tribune, Sebastian Seyva, a PhD candidate in the Department of Neuroscience and member of Socialist Fightback at Concordia and McGill, emphasized the importance of student union support for student activism. 

“The suspension of SPHR from the McGill SSMU is just the latest in a string of attacks on student activism and the democratic will of the student body on campus,” Seyva wrote. “As students, our primary weapon to fight back against these attacks is our student union, but recent events have revealed how the leadership of the student union (its Board of Directors) is equally complicit in clamping down on any sort of dissent in the student body, and actively preventing the student union from becoming a real avenue of struggle for students looking to fight back.”

SPHR McGill is currently working to appeal its suspension. VP Student Life Hassanatou Koulibaly explained that such a process prompts a review by the Clubs Committee.

“Depending on the nature of the issue, sanctions are determined according to the Internal Regulations of Student Groups and as detailed by Club Processes,” Koulibaly wrote in an email to the Tribune. “When a club receives a sanction, they may wish to appeal the decision through the Sanction Appeal Form which is then submitted to the Clubs and Services Coordinator for review before then being reviewed by the Clubs Committee.”

*Anya’s name has been changed to preserve their anonymity

McGill, Montreal, News

McGill to end two-year mask mandate, case tracking and data collection

by Noa Crebassa on

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As of May 24, 10 days after masking became optional in most indoor settings province-wide, wearing masks indoors at McGill will no longer be mandatory. The news that McGill would be ending its mask mandate came in an email from Associate Provost Christopher Buddle and Deputy Provost Fabrice Labeau on May 2.

The email also reported the dissolution of McGill’s Case Management Group (CMG), and thus the suspension of McGill’s COVID-19 data collection. The university will no longer track cases, measure CO2 levels in classrooms, monitor campus traffic, or record vaccination rates. And as of May 30, administrative and support staff will be required to work in person full time.

Although masking will no longer be compulsory after May 24, the provosts stressed that it is still “strongly encouraged to continue to wear a mask” and that mask dispensers and hand sanitizer stations will remain in place until further notice. However, on the McGill subreddit, students have complained about a lack of masks and empty sanitizers at the Redpath and McLennan Libraries. 

The decision to end mandatory masking has been met with mixed reactions from the McGill community. Some, like Noor Jetha, U1 Engineering, think the university should have waited longer before making such a decision. 

“At first glance, I felt a sense of panic,” Jetha said in an interview with The McGill Tribune. “Now that the mask mandate is being lifted, nobody’s gonna wear a mask at all, and nobody can force people to wear a mask which will make people more exposed and COVID will surge again.”

James Newman, MA’20 and president of the Association of McGill University Support Employees (AMUSE), agrees with Jetha and feels that mask-wearing by students has been lax, even with a mandate. He cited having seen some students who tested positive for COVID-19 not wearing masks when opening their front doors and other students not wearing masks while walking around their residence hallways. 

Some, like Wanjun Chen, U2 Agricultural and Environmental Sciences, are still deciding whether to continue masking after May 24. For Chen, who found masking distracting during classes, the end of the mandate feels relatively safe.

“I feel [hesitant about] whether to lower my mask or keep it on, because the mask didn’t make me feel very comfortable, especially in [lectures] [….] I feel a bit dizzy with a mask because I don’t feel I got enough oxygen,” Chen said. “I think it is safe because all the other provinces in Canada already removed the mask, and they didn’t have very serious consequences, so I think it will be safe.”

In an email to the Tribune, David Juncker, professor and chair of the Department of Biomedical Engineering, explained that he believes the decommissioning of the CMG will leave the university ill-prepared for the Fall 2022 semester. 

“Tracking is a good measure, and so stopping tracking is unfortunate as it will leave us flying blind at a time where cases are still high,” Juncker wrote. “The silver lining is that there is less activity on campus during the summer months, and that people can go outside and windows [can be] opened.”

Christian Tonnesen, U4 Science and vice-president floor fellow, emphasized the risks workers face on campus. Masks represented one of the few protective measures available to them, he says, alongside hand sanitizer stations and plexiglass dividers around campus. 

“I suspect we will definitely see a rise in cases this August, early September, due to the amount of partying, social contact, and perhaps the biggest virulent source, Frosh,” Tonnesen wrote in an email to the Tribune. 

Rose Chabot, teaching assistant and PhD candidate in the Department of Political Science, worries more about the barriers this could create for the most vulnerable members of the community. 

“I am more worried about immunocompromised students and staff and the risks that attending a mask-free class would represent for them—or the barriers to education, if they decide not to take the risk,” Chabot wrote. “Personally, in a mask-free class I would feel more comfortable teaching with a lot of air circulation (open windows)—and I know this is not possible everywhere on campus.”

In an email to the Tribune, McGill media relations officer Frédérique Mazerolle explained that the COVID-19 situation in May 2022 is radically different from when the pandemic began in March 2020. Hence, McGill feels it is appropriate to follow the government’s lead on this issue and stop requiring masks. 

“If the Quebec government decides to delay its timeline for making masks optional, the university may adapt its approach,” Mazerolle wrote. “McGill will continue to follow other public health measures as required by the government. The health and well-being of our community remain our top priority.”

Arts & Entertainment, Fashion, Pop Rhetoric

The Met Gala 2022: Fundraising event or vanity circus?

by Mia Combey-Robertson on

More in Arts & Entertainment:

The beginning of May marks both the end of McGill’s winter semester and the annual Met Gala, a fundraising benefit for the Metropolitan Museum of Art’s Costume Institute that has become known as ‘fashion’s biggest night.’ When the Costume Institute announced its Gilded Glamour theme this year, many expressed excitement on social media, expecting their favourite celebrities to sport attire from the Gilded Age such as corsets, pearls, and frills. Despite fans’ expectations, many attendees seemed to disregard the theme entirely, a recurrent pattern throughout the last few years. When viewers jump at the chance to criticize celebrities’ adherence to the theme, they are mostly ignoring the more insidious trend at hand—romanticizing the Gilded Age as a theme in itself.

Gilded Glamour is an extension of the Met’s 2021 exhibition on American fashion. The theme evokes the Gilded Age of late nineteenth-century America, a period characterized by opulence, extravagance, and innovation in technology, fashion, and industrialization. By creating a public space for celebrities to exercise their wealth and reputation, this theme contributes to an ever-present culture of celebrity sensationalism. Brand deals, cultural capital, and gossip dominate the event, turning it into a spectacle of affluence and status rather than a celebration of art. The Met Gala originally served as a fundraising event for the Costume Institute and a celebration of their annual fashion exhibition. It wasn’t until Vogue editor-in-chief Diana Vreeland was appointed special consultant for the 1973 Met Gala that celebrity personnel were invited. Since then, the Met Gala has become a significant pop-culture event mostly recognized for its high-profile attendees.

(vogue.com)

The theme’s glorification of the Gilded Age signifies the vain and aloof attitude that encompasses celebrity culture. The majority of the outfits worn by the wealthy attendees only reflect the wealthy population from that time period. These overt displays of wealth speak to a tendency for celebrities to pick and choose which parts of history they feel are most important to represent. This willful ignorance calls the event’s very integrity into question, as well as how the fashion industry promotes questionable celebrity values. The cruel irony is that the Museum of Modern Art’s Costume Institute has recently spoken about highlighting under-recognized moments in American fashion. However, some celebrities were exceptions to this trend. Take actor Riz Ahmed, who wore a navy jacket and trousers inspired by the uniforms of immigrant labourers in nineteenth-century New York. His look served as an homage to these workers—the ones who made the extravagance of the Gilded Age possible. In choosing to highlight an underrepresented population from the Gilded Age, Ahmed called attention to the economic disparities that defined the period. Sarah Jessica Parker wore a gown modelled after an outfit by Elizabeth Hobbs Keckly, a Black designer from the 19th century and the first Black woman to design garments for White House inhabitants. This look highlighted the dichotomy between the extravagance of the Gilded Age and the many institutional barriers faced by marginalized peoples during the period. Many individuals and organizations, like Black Lives Matter, have challenged the Met Gala from the inside, arguing that the event is a waste of money and that such resources could be spent more responsibly and productively. While this year’s gala is a celebration of American fashion, the event as a whole fails to acknowledge the issues of collective erasure of working-class and racialized people in contemporary American culture. 

The Met Gala has effectively gone from a fundraising benefit to an event dependent on the commodification of celebrity status. This shift is evident throughout news coverage of the 2022 event, which mainly focussed on scandal and outrage over what hollow statements the off-theme outfits make. For example, Kim Kardashian was heavily scrutinized for the harmful ways she lost weight to fit into Marilyn Monroe’s dress for the event, allegedly dropping 16 pounds in three weeks. Celebrities like Kardashian not only failed to adhere to the theme, but also used the event as a medium to perpetuate problematic beauty standards. This emphasizes the idea that the Met Gala has become out of touch with its original intentions of fun, fashion, and fundraising in the past years.

The Met Gala has transformed from a display of high fashion and creativity into an excuse for celebrities to spend exorbitant sums on playing dress-up. Interpretation and adherence to themes have declined over time, as has the quality and appropriateness of the themes themselves. Evidently, the Met Gala’s perception and purpose have shifted as it seeks to act in accordance with the values of contemporary celebrity culture premised on celebrity idolatry and toxic sensationalism.

McGill, News, SSMU

Student activists protest SSMU decision to drop Palestine Solidarity Policy

by Ghazal Azizi and Lily Cason on

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The Students’ Society of McGill University (SSMU) announced in a statement on April 22 that they would not be adopting the Palestine Solidarity Policy, despite 71.1 per cent of voters endorsing it in the Winter 2022 referendum. The Policy would have mandated the Society to condemn the surveillance of Palestinian and pro-Palestine members of the McGill community, publicly assert its support for the cause of Palestinian liberation biannually, boycott companies complicit in the Israeli occupation of Palestine, and pressure the McGill administration to do the same. 

The decision to drop the Policy came after sustained pressure from the McGill administration. On March 24, McGill’s Deputy Provost Fabrice Labeau sent an email to students that denounced the Policy as divisive and polarizing. Labeau explained that the administration found the Policy to be in violation of the university’s values and SSMU’s constitution. According to Labeau, if the policy was implemented, the university would end its Memorandum of Agreement (MoA) with the Society, which formalizes their relationship. The university gave SSMU 30 days to remedy the alleged violation of its constitution, or 90 days to submit the dispute for arbitration. 

On April 22, when the SSMU concluded its internal investigation of the alleged MoA violation, the SSMU Board of Directors (BoD) announced that it had also found the Policy to be at odds with the SSMU Constitution, the SSMU Equity Policy, a 2016 SSMU Judicial Board ruling, and Quebec law. SSMU has therefore complied with the administration’s demand to revoke the Policy.

Students for Palestinian Human Rights (SPHR) McGill held a rally on April 25 in front of the James Administration Building to show support for the Policy and to protest SSMU’s decision. Before the rally, Noor,* a member of SPHR, voiced their dismay in an interview with The McGill Tribune. 

“We do not recognize the SSMU Board of Directors’, or as we like to call them the board of dictators, decision to repeal or overturn this policy because it is a complete attack on student democracy and it completely dismisses the entire referendum vote,” Noor said. “We do not recognize it, and we urge students, as well, not to recognize the board of dictators’ decision [….] We are just really ashamed that the student union chose not to represent us.”

Noor believes that SSMU should have stood its ground when faced with pressure from the administration. They also think the Society timed its announcement to be released during the final exam period when students are preoccupied with  studying—a sentiment shared by others who attended the rally. 

“I think pressure from the admin definitely played a big role. I wouldn’t be surprised if [the] McGill administration was down [SSMU’s] throat,” Noor said. “[The SSMU BoD] could have easily said that it was constitutional, which it is, and went to arbitration, but they chose to overturn a democratically elected policy.”

Sarah Abdelshamy, a former member of SPHR and current organizer with the Palestinian Youth Movement, stated at the April 25 rally that she believes McGill’s intervention in the referendum was motivated by the interests of shareholders as opposed to the well-being of its students. 

“They say that this motion is divisive without acknowledging that our campus has been divided for decades now—precisely because we do not have any motions or mechanisms that protect us,” Abdelshamy said. “For years now, students on campus have been harassed, doxxed, harmed, and targeted, and the administration turns a blind eye to it. The only division that this motion causes is between the university and its donors—the only relationship that the administration is capable of or desires to protect and uphold.”

In an email sent to the McGill community on April 26, Labeau applauded SSMU’s decision. While Labeau condemned the surveillance of pro-Palestinian students on campus and recognized the importance of student activism, he reasserted McGill’s stance against the adoption of the Policy.   

In a speech at the SPHR rally, Islamic studies professor Rula Jurdi Abisaab criticized the administration for its rhetoric surrounding the Palestine Solidarity Policy. 

“As an educator at McGill, I caution against the statements used by the administration, such as ‘a culture of ostracization and disrespect,’ to suppress the results of the democratic elections of McGill students,” Abisaab said. “Such phrases gravely misrepresent the aims of the Palestine Solidarity Policy and promote inadvertently a passive coexistence with injustice.”

Abisaab, also a signatory of the open letter from McGill faculty and staff endorsing the Palestine Solidarity Policy, further reaffirmed her admiration for the students championing the Policy. 

“I support our students’ use of legitimate civil and democratic means to dissociate themselves from ideas and institutions that have promoted racism, dehumanization, and violence,” Abisaab said. “Our undergraduate students are to be praised for embracing democratic ideals of human dignity, freedom, and equality at McGill.”

Former SSMU President Darshan Daryanani, who was recently impeached, also spoke at the rally. He praised the Palestine Solidarity Policy for changing the discourse about Palestine on campus. 

“I publicly defended and endorsed the Palestine Solidarity Policy. Personally, I agree with all the calls to action, and your 71 per cent overwhelming majority vote only made it easier to defend it,” Daryanani said. “Right now, more than ever, I urge you to continue to speak up because your voice matters.” 

The Tribune reached out to the SSMU BoD for a statement on the decision-making processes that led to the nullification of the Palestinian Solidarity Policy. All executives declined to comment.

*Noor’s name has been changed to preserve their anonymity.

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