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Commentary, Opinion

Justifying the murder of Charlie Kirk means embracing his fascist rhetoric

At 12:23 p.m. on Sept. 10, far-right activist Charlie Kirk was assassinated in front of a crowd of 3,000 at Utah Valley University. An hour and 20 minutes later, Ruth Marshall, a professor of religious studies and political science at the University of Toronto (UofT), tweeted: “Shooting is honestly too good for so many of you fascist c**ts.” Because of this tweet, UofT placed Marshall on leave and opened an investigation into her actions. If she is found to have caused UofT ‘reputational harm,’ Marshall may be terminated. This respect for procedure is commendable, but Marshall’s tweet demonstrates that she should not be a university professor and justifies her immediate firing.

It is important not to conflate Marshall’s suspension with other instances of censorship following Kirk’s death. The Trump administration has used the event as justification to attack and silence its political opponents, casting all criticism of Kirk or his movement as ‘hate speech’; unsurprisingly, no such move was made against far-right groups following the murder of Minnesota Democratic lawmaker Melissa Hortman in June.

However, in Marshall’s case, her words were neither justified nor defensible. She was not criticizing the administration’s actions or Kirk’s views: She was calling for further violence. That is a line that should never be crossed in political debate.

In her tweet, Marshall calls Kirk a fascist, which he was. Kirk described all undocumented immigrants as “would-be rapists” to justify shooting them; he said that gay people wanted to “corrupt children,” a well-known homophobic dog-whistle; he implied trans women should be lynched. Kirk’s arguments were also frequently based on conspiracy theories: He famously denied the validity of the 2020 election. Such disregard for truth and democracy, along with blatant normalization of violence, is the foundational material on which fascist movements are built. But before it is a movement, fascism is a rhetoric that claims: Some lives are worth less than others. Some people deserve to be killed. Marshall’s tweet espoused that rhetoric.

It is common these days to hear that free speech and open diversity of opinion are integral to universities and to society as a whole. It is true that society cannot progress without debate. However, proper and productive debate is not ritualized ‘destruction’ of ‘opponents,’ but rather honest discussion between good-faith parties with the aim of learning and moving forward towards a better reality for all.

Some things, however, are not up for debate. An opinion that justifies violence as a means to a political end is not worth platforming: It intrinsically rejects dissent, and so it is antithetical to the mission of universities. Charlie Kirk was killed on the campus of Utah Valley University while promoting violent views. He should not have been invited to the campus at all. Ruth Marshall, having projected similarly violent opinions, should not be allowed on UofT’s campus.

It would be naive, of course, to claim that Marshall’s deviation from proper and respectful debate was the actual reason for her suspension. Earlier this year, Marshall herself rightly called out UofT for failing to formally condemn professors using similarly violent language against pro-Palestinian protesters and journalists

Rather, UofT may have had much more pragmatic reasons for sanctioning Marshall. On the right and far-right, Kirk’s death has prompted explicit talk of war and revenge. Tweets celebrating the murder could reasonably be expected to provoke violent retaliation against Marshall’s colleagues, her students, and herself. UofT has not publicly stated its reasoning in sanctioning Marshall. After her suspension, however, UofT blocked public access to her department webpage, which presumably contained information on the location of her office. On Monday, the building where she works was closed.

One of the great successes of liberal democracy has been unprecedented safety from political violence. Before the late 20th century, most of our ancestors lived in dread of brutal, arbitrary attacks. Free speech is fundamental to preserving this achievement—but only when it serves discourse rather than destroying it. The moment we use our freedom of expression to call for violence against our political opponents, we abandon the very principles that make free speech worth defending. Universities, as guardians of open inquiry, have both the right and the responsibility to draw this line.

Baseball, Behind the Bench, Sports

The politics of remembrance: The Yankees’ selective tribute to Charlie Kirk

On Sept. 10, American right-wing activist and co-founder of Turning Point USA, Charlie Kirk, was fatally shot by Tyler Robinson on the Utah Valley University campus. Kirk’s death has sparked significant debate over the appropriateness of mourning him, given his bigoted political views. Professional athletes’ reactions have ranged from Instagram tributes to on-field measures. For instance, Los Angeles Dodgers pitcher Blake Treinen had Charlie Kirk’s name embroidered on the side of his hat and the New York Yankees held a moment of silence in Kirk’s memory before their game on Sept. 10. These tributes to Kirk illustrate the growing overlap between professional sports and explicit political discourse, raising questions about the messages teams and athletes convey to fans when engaging with polarizing figures.

The Yankees’ tribute to Kirk has sparked conversations around professional sports amplifying political messages, which only benefits teams’ most privileged fans. Many saw the move as a moment of unity, while others pointed out Kirk’s radical rhetoric and controversial views. Kirk was well known as a figure who prompted a rise in right-wing conservatism amongst youth in America: Much of his popularity was cultivated by promoting misinformation and conspiracy theories, particularly through his anti-vaccination views and belief that the 2020 U.S. Presidential election was fraudulent. He emphasized a desire for the U.S. to return to a Christian state, advocated for anti-abortion policies, and supported the Second Amendment. He openly supported the National Rifle Association, despite the United States’ ongoing issues with gun violence. On top of this, Kirk held racist views, once stating, “If I’m dealing with somebody in customer service who’s a moronic Black woman, I wonder is she there because of her excellence, or is she there because of affirmative action?”

The Yankees have received ongoing backlash on social media for their selectivity in memorializing Kirk, as they have not held a moment of silence for any gun violence victims since 2016, after the Pulse nightclub shooting in Orlando. Notably, the team did not hold a moment of silence for the recent death of Melissa Hortman, lawmaker and leader of the Minnesota Democratic Caucus, who was slain along with her husband on June 14 in an act of political violence. This contrast raises questions as to why certain deaths are commemorated while others are ignored, suggesting that the Yankees’ decision to honour Kirk reflects an alignment with the charged nature of what he represented, rather than a consistent solidarity with victims of gun violence.

On the surface, honouring a victim of political assassination may appear neutral, even respectful. Yet in Kirk’s case, given his role in advancing regressive right-wing politics, the gesture legitimizes harmful rhetoric, which can be damaging to the racialized and non-Christian groups Kirk made hateful claims about. Tributes like these blur the lines between memorializing and political endorsement. Further, this choice could create broader acceptance among the Yankees’ fanbase that such exclusionary opinions are justifiable, as Kirk’s life—as much as his death—reignited debates about the point at which political statements become hate speech. 

The team doubled down on the right-wing undertones they assumed in holding a moment of silence for Kirk when President Donald Trump attended the Yankees’ next game, honouring the victims of 9/11. By posing for photos with Trump, the Yankees continue to align themselves with his politics, reinforcing the likelihood that their choice to honour Kirk was not a gesture to memorialize gun violence victims, but rather an intentional Republican political positioning. 

Ultimately, Kirk’s death highlights broader questions: How far can public figures and institutions go in promoting conservative politics before their platforms become outright exclusionary? What responsibility do sports teams have in deciding which voices to elevate and which to ignore? The Yankees’ tribute to Kirk shows how sports have never been separate from larger political issues. They have reminded us that moments of silence are never truly neutral; they signal whose voices are deemed morally worthy of remembrance.

Montreal, News

Queer McGill fights transphobia in counter-protest

Queer McGill’s counter-protest against Ensemble pour protéger nos enfants (EPPNE)’s anti-transgender demonstration began at 9:00 a.m. on Sept. 20, as protesters gathered in preparation for the arrival of EPPNE demonstrators at 11:00 a.m. Some EPPNE members arrived early in response, holding signs which read, “Protect children.” One counter-protester held a banner which stated, “Don’t be your child’s first bully.”

EPPNE is a right-wing organization petitioning to remove any mention of queer identities from Quebec’s K-12 curricula on the grounds that teaching youth what they describe as “gender ideology” infringes on parents’ rights to pass on their own religious or moral beliefs to their children. EPPNE further argues that children having knowledge of homosexuality or transgender identities erodes their innocence, and that this knowledge is used to indoctrinate adolescents into the 2SLGBTQIA+ community.

Celeste Trianon, a front-line advocate for the counter-protest and founder of a legal clinic that helps trans individuals change their legal genders and names, outlined how EPPNE’s petition—and others like it—would affect queer children in an interview with The Tribune. She stated that this movement would hinder self-acceptance among youths while increasing anti-transgender violence in educational and residential spaces. 

“Schools are already unsafe as it is for trans kids,” Trianon said. “[Schools having] the right to out students to their parents [could] literally put kids in situations of homelessness. So, will [schools] actually protect children, or will [schools] put them in further danger?”

The counter-protest was held in honour of Sam Nordquist, a 24-year-old transgender man from Minnesota who was kidnapped and tortured for a month by his former online girlfriend and six others before dying in February 2025 from his injuries. Despite evidence that the extensive violence towards Nordquist was hate-based, the case was not ruled a hate crime, a distinction which could potentially influence sentencing severity. 

Trianon shared with //The Tribune// that Canadians should be especially concerned for trans safety considering the current backsliding of queer rights in the United States, demonstrated by such violence against transgender individuals and the way this violence is disregarded. 

“Sam Nordquist […] was effectively killed because of transphobia, and his death has basically been left completely unaddressed by most authorities,” Trianon said. “It’s a sign of what’s coming right now. Even in death, trans people often don’t have dignity.”

Once the EPPNE demonstrators assembled, counter-protesters followed them, from rue Guy and rue St. Catherine to McGill’s Roddick Gates. Meanwhile, the Service de Police de la Ville de Montreal blocked several streets from entry along the way, and then pepper-sprayed one counter-protester who attempted to bike past. 

In an interview with The Tribune, one pair of counter-protesters who wished to remain anonymous stated that while they were happy to have some separation from the demonstration created by the police presence, their past experiences being tear-gassed by police forces made it difficult to see the authorities as protection. 

“Police should be protecting us, not looking as if they were targeting or suspicious of us,” one said. “They have a mission to keep the peace, but there is no peace when someone pepper sprays you in the face.”

“I have been chased before during demonstrations, so [their presence] is a trauma,” the other said. “If they come near you, you have to run.”  

At noon, the last remaining EPPNE demonstrators left the Roddick Gates, with over 50 of the 200 originally assembled counter-protesters still present. Despite this, police remained, surrounding the crowd on all sides. 

In a written statement to The Tribune, Queer McGill event coordinator Juno Adams stated that group solidarity through counter-protests is necessary in the fight against transphobic legislation, explaining that what transgender individuals at McGill want from their fellow students is solidarity through actions like these.

“We are victims of an oppressing society that seeks to deprive us of basic human rights and we do not need pity, we need action and support,” Adams wrote. “Banning trans identities from both curriculum and culture within schools will cause kids to perpetrate more harm towards others and themselves. Simply put, removing queer identities from schools will kill kids in more than one way.”

Behind the Bench, Sports

The odds stacked against athletes: The darker side of sports betting

The past decade has seen sports betting morph from a shadowy practice into a multibillion-dollar industry embedded in the heart of professional sports. With states across the U.S. legalizing gambling and Canada following suit in 2021, betting odds now flash across live broadcasts, podcasts casually reference parlays, and ESPN even operates their own sportsbook, known as ESPN Bet. What was once a shrouded subculture of sports has become a key facet of the fan experience, but in the wrong direction: Away from the love of the game. Behind sports betting’s flashy sponsorships and lucrative profits lie a set of troubling consequences that threaten athletes and fans alike.

A recent NCAA survey revealed that 58 per cent of participants aged 18 to 22 admitted to engaging in at least one sports betting activity in their teenage years. The number jumps to 67 per cent among students living on college campuses, many of whom report betting frequently and at higher rates. These statistics should alarm anyone concerned with youth well-being, especially considering colleges may inadvertently be fuelling such habits. Widespread exposure to gambling normalizes high-risk financial behaviour, particularly among students already navigating the financial and emotional instability of university life.

The negative effects reach well beyond the bettors themselves: Athletes at both collegiate and professional levels are bearing the brunt of gambling’s darker impulses. Countless players have described receiving anonymous direct messages after games from disgruntled bettors who claim they ‘ruined’ a parlay. These are not just harmless rants—messages often include violent threats, racial slurs, and in some cases, extend to players’ families and loved ones via online platforms. One key example of an increased rate of online hate towards athletes is NCAA’s March Madness. The line between passionate fandom and dangerous harassment is being erased by sports betting, in service of the toxic entitlement of gamblers who see athletes as little more than pawns in their gambling chess games.

The stakes for fans who have money riding on games distort the athlete-fan relationship tenfold. Instead of receiving admiration or criticism rooted in their performance, players face livid bombardment tied directly to someone else’s bank account. For younger college athletes, this creates an environment of pressure and hostility that will inevitably erode both their mental health and physical performance at terrifying rates.

Yet, while players grapple with these threats, leagues and media companies have doubled down on their partnerships with betting firms. The New York Times recently reported that leagues have signed massive deals with betting giants like FanDuel and DraftKings, with ESPN corroborating that leagues are actively using gambling to boost engagement and keep fans watching longer. Terrifyingly, these companies are not only profiting financially, but are consistently farming data from their users. The sports business model is leaning towards the notion that gambling profits come before athlete and fan protection.

Such crass corporate complicity ought to increase the leagues’ responsibility to protect athletes. At the very least, organizations should implement stricter safeguards, such as enhanced monitoring of online abuse, to protect athletes from harassment. Leagues should also reconsider their excessive use of gambling advertisements during events, which now dominate sports coverage in ways eerily reminiscent of cigarette ads in the 20th century

Permissive policymakers must also consider the overall costs of gambling revenues: The internal struggles of players that go unheard, and the battles between leagues and athletes regarding safeguarding. Studies already suggest that younger demographics are more susceptible to gambling addiction, with long-term consequences ranging from financial ruin to enduring mental health struggles. If universities are reporting majority participation rates in betting, we may be witnessing the beginning of a generational problem.

Sports are meant to inspire—to showcase human resilience, teamwork, and passion. When gambling overshadows the game itself, athletes are reduced to numbers on a betting slip, and fans fall into the façade of a rather sinister buzz of ‘competition’ and ‘excitement.’ The question is no longer whether betting will poison athletics, but how much sports leagues, their athletes, and their followers are willing to tolerate before stronger gambling regulation steps in. The world of sports, both college and professional, must act soon, or risk letting gambling rewrite the true spirit of competition.

McGill, News

Senate removes Professor Roberts from CSD and debates Code of Student Conduct

The McGill Senate convened on Sept. 17 for its first meeting of the academic year. Central topics of discussion were the Nominating Committee’s decision to remove Professor William Clare Roberts from the Committee on Student Discipline (CSD) because of a post Roberts made on X, and proposed revisions to the Code of Student Conduct and Disciplinary Procedures

The meeting started with memorial tributes to the late Faculty of Engineering professor emeritus Tomáš J.F. Pavlásek, medicine and health sciences assistant professor Kalonde Malama, and former Faculty of Science professor and director of the Redpath Museum Valerie Pasztor

The memorials were followed by McGill President and Vice-Chancellor Deep Saini’s remarks on his priorities for McGill’s long-term future: To transform, expand globally, celebrate locally, and unite. He noted that McGill will increase its partnerships and establish centralized campuses around the world. 

The Senate then debated whether to remove Roberts from the CSD. The discussion stemmed from a widely circulated post on X in which Roberts wrote, “I used to think BDS (boycott, divest, sanction) was a good idea. I’ve come around, though: nothing short of ‘full economic and military support for Hamas and Hezbollah’ is appropriate.” As both organizations are designated terrorist entities in Canada, the Nominating Committee recommended Roberts’s removal as Vice-Chair of the CSD, citing concerns about perceptions of his impartiality in student discipline cases. 

While the Chair of the Nominating Committee and Provost and Vice-Principal (Academic) Christopher Manfredi assured that the Committee was carrying out removal procedures properly, some senators remained unsure. 

Catherine Lu, professor in the Department of Political Science, argued that the Committee’s move implied the university’s administration distrusts one of its own bodies, thereby weakening wider confidence in McGill’s institutional procedures. 

“I can say clearly that I don’t agree with Professor Roberts,” Lu said. “But as an academic institution, do we want to set the precedent of taking a professor’s extramural remarks about off-campus politics as a reason to impute such a great risk or perceived bias in on-campus administrative proceedings?” 

Victoria Kaspi, professor in the Department of Physics and Academic Staff Representative on McGill’s Board of Governors, countered such opposing remarks, saying the Committee had appeared to follow procedure in Roberts’ removal. She added that, given the impact of Roberts’ words, there must be limits to what is acceptable to say.

“In a case where someone is adjudicating something like discipline, bias is so important,” Kaspi said. “I’m not sure how much more bias one could show.”

Senator Susan Aloudat, Students’ Society of McGill University Vice-President of University Affairs, said that she was uncomfortable accepting the decision.

“I feel compelled to speak because I am a student, but also a member of the Nominating Committee,” Aloudat said. “I don’t disagree that it was important to think about these [matters] as a Nominating Committee, but […] the process could have used more diligence.” 

The motion to remove Roberts from the CSD was ultimately carried with 42 in favour, 26 against, and 12 abstaining.

Interim Deputy Provost (Student Life and Learning) Angela Campbell next discussed the administration’s proposed changes to the Code of Student Conduct, stressing that reforms made to the Code are not intended to “wield a hammer on students,” but to modernize the Code.

The proposed Code now includes mental-state standards that categorize offences based on intent level. The draft also introduces a “not responsible” pathway—likened in debate to a “non-criminally responsible framework”—allowing the CSD to move serious cases out of disciplinary channels if its members conclude the student could not appreciate the nature of the ‘right-or-wrong’-ness of their actions, without requiring a medical diagnosis as evidence. Some senators pressed on what would justify such findings, highlighting the span of committee discretion that could be allowed.

Structural updates to the Code include shrinking the CSD and Appeal Committee to four members by default, and six on request, thus converting the Committees’ legal assessor into a voting member. The Code also now uses the Canadian civil standard of proof—a balance of probabilities—meaning that conduct is judged to have occurred on a ‘more likely than not’ basis.

The Senate then moved to debate who is permitted to sit on the CSD and its Appeal Committee. The revision to the Code would allow adding an alumni jurist nominated by McGill’s Board of Governors to these Committees, which Víctor Muñiz-Fraticelli, associate professor for the Faculty of Law and associate professor of political science, saw as blurring the line between academic autonomy and Board control. 

“Are [Board members] going to be nominating people to take part in what is essentially an academic disciplinary procedure?” asked Muñiz-Fraticelli. “That seems to me to be a radical departure from principles of academic self-governance and [demonstrates], at the very least, a deep mistrust by the board [toward] the very people that function and operate in this university.”

Moment of the meeting: Saini discussed the Sustainability Park, part of the redevelopment of the former Royal Victoria Hospital, describing it as a large interdisciplinary hub intended to connect research and teaching across fields. 

Soundbite: “I think there’s a lot of concern about the use of the word ‘celebrating’. [….] We need to acknowledge all of the history that’s been here, not just Quebec, but also the Indigenous history that exists. [….] And I was wondering why that’s not a larger integration as part of this movement.”—​Arts and Science Student Senator Chloé Muñoz, on Saini’s priority for McGill to “celebrate locally.”

Art, Arts & Entertainment

Glimmers of art in everyday life at the MMFA’s Decorative Art and Design Pavilion

To my right stands a four-foot-tall ceramic vase with hands cupping its own belly. To my left, chairs built from large plains of vibrant primary colours. Directly in front of me is a bird’s nest half my height made from plush felt—inside resting three large eggs. As I continue to walk through the MMFA’s Decorative Arts and Design Pavilion, reopened on Sept. 13, a diverse melange of quirky items surrounds me. Most strikingly, the pieces of art orbit around a massive abstract piece created by Dal Chihuly in 2003: A twisting, ebbing horde of warm-toned blown glass, aptly titled The Sun

The museum’s reopened exhibit is a feat brought together by a host of keen-eyed art collectors. Notably featured is Liliane and David Stewart’s (the namesakes of the pavilion) 5000-piece art and design assemblage, a donation made to the MMFA in 2000. 

Taking in the exhibition is an overwhelming endeavour. One minute you find yourself examining Kantharos with Geometric and Plant Motifs, an Italian glass bowl crafted between 700-200 BCE, and the next studying a 2009 table lamp that resembles a plate of spaghetti. The broad strokes made by this installation are reflective of the expansive nature of decorative art: This type of art is characterized by the creativity applied to utilitarian objects, such as chairs and vases. This vast category leaves much liberty for what can fit into the exhibit, with the pavilion hosting items from earrings to a Smart Car

The considerable differences between pieces of the same use are shocking. The pavilion is home to many tea and coffee sets, each one entirely distinct from the last. Despite having the same function, artists can make a teapot entirely their own. For example, one glass museum case displays the Como Tea and Coffee Service, a sleek crowd of silver-plated vessels created in 1957. The set presents a futuristic tone, characteristic of the Mid-Century modern style popular in the 1950s. Within the same case sits Coral Firs Tea and Coffee Service, and Soup Tureen, a set of white earthenware carafes ornamented with wobbly orange trees sitting atop yellow hills. The troop of dishware was designed by Clarice Cliff, the mother of the Art Deco style, born in the 1930s. 

The fine details of service-based objects demonstrate human beings’ innate draw to art. It would be cheaper and easier if, throughout time, people simply designed one form of simple coffee set. Yet, we see that items are far more than pure usage: They function as vessels for creativity.

Noting the divergences among designs throughout time maps a history, for the art that people seek from moment to moment changes based on features of the period. As noted above, the 1950s tea and coffee set was boldly sleek, crafted in aerodynamic shapes, appearing almost spaceship-like. This cosmo-themed trend was influenced by the Space Race, a chase for the stars fought by the U.S. and the Soviets post-WWII. 

Design represents the forms of creativity that humans wish to interact with in their daily lives. Looking back at things, such as utensils and chairs, forges a relationship with people of the past. One can imagine a person during the Qing dynasty 200 years ago eating with their tortoise shell Portable Knife and Chopstick Set, admiring its sleek and compact design. 

Visiting the MMFA’s newly curated Pavilion of Decorative Art and Design is an eye-opener as to how art appears in our daily lives. People often take for granted the detail that goes into making the chairs that they sit on and the tables that they eat from. However, if one looks closer, they may be able to catch a glimpse of the little glimmers of creativity hiding all around us. 

The Arts and Design Pavilion is a new permanent exhibit at the MMFA. Tickets are available both online and in person. (Free for those aged 25 and under).

Student Life

McGill Arts students face challenges in exchange matching for Winter 2026

Students in McGill’s Faculty of Arts faced unprecedented challenges in the matching process for the exchange program this year. Many students were not matched with any of their top choices for study-away, forced instead to choose from a narrow list of universities they never had any intention of going to.

In past years, students in the Faculty of Arts were able to study abroad with McGill’s exchange program or through Independent Study Away (ISA). The ISA program, separate from standard exchanges, allowed students to study abroad at schools not included in McGill’s list of official exchange partners. Through ISA, students could directly apply and pay tuition to their host university, rather than through McGill.

As of Summer 2025, students in the Faculty of Arts are no longer able to apply for ISAs outside of Canada. This means students wanting to leave the country can only apply to schools within McGill’s list of exchange partners, significantly reducing the number of options for studying abroad.

The exchange application process asks students to submit their top four study abroad choices to the Exchange Office. McGill then assigns each student their nominations based on a lottery, where students with higher GPAs are favoured to obtain their top choice.

Students applying for Winter 2026 exchanges often found that they were not nominated for any of their top four choices. They were then asked to reapply, this time from a short list of roughly 10 universities that were still available. In an interview with The Tribune, Samuel Hamilton, U2 Arts, explained the challenges he faced after not matching with any of his original top four choices.

“And [after I wasn’t matched with my top four], they also gave me a really short list of universities, like 10, [or maybe] a dozen,” Hamilton said. “Many of them didn’t have classes that counted for my degree. So, feasibly, it was kind of impossible for me to go there because it just wouldn’t count towards my degree.”

Hamilton further explained that even after submitting his new top choices from the shortlist, he still faced difficulties in matching.

“I re-submitted the form one minute after it opened, and I was like, okay, I probably got Leiden [my new top choice from the provided list] because what are the chances I don’t get that, you know?” he said. “And then I got an email three days ago, saying I got Helsinki. And I was like, guys, I submitted this form in one minute. How would I not get Leiden? Now you’re giving me my sixth option. [….] Surely, you could have given me my first choice off this really short list.”

Through a stroke of luck, Hamilton ended up matching with one of his original top choices, the University of Copenhagen, he told The Tribune. But the experience still left him frustrated and confused.

“I’m already really limited,” he stated. “I just felt quite frustrated by the lack of options and how unaccommodating they were.”

Alvise Ceolato, U3 Arts, was also denied any of his top choices and instead matched with the University of Iceland, he reported in an interview with The Tribune. Like Hamilton, this university was not present on the first or second set of choices he submitted to the Exchange Office. 

Ceolato also raised concerns regarding the potential financial ramifications of not being accepted to study abroad at any of your top universities. 

“People need to financially plan for where they end up going,” he said. “I was supposed to go to Singapore, and I ended up in Iceland. But, budgeting-wise, it’s extremely different, you know? So how can you expect people to be able to arrange that? In a way, you apply, and it’s still your choice. But I feel like it’s not really mindful of McGill.”

Arts & Entertainment, Made at McGill

Made at McGill: ‘Scrivener Creative Review’ revives its past

Scrivener Creative Review doesn’t save the good china for special occasions. Whilst sitting down over candlelit tea with Izzi Holmes, Jacob Sponga, and Isabella McBride, the respective Editors-in-Chief and Managing Editor of McGill’s oldest literary magazine, one thing was clear: This is a publication deeply invested in creating and maintaining a timeless aesthetic. 

The conversation began with a brief history of Scrivener.

Scrivener was founded in 1980 […] in the department of English. In our first few years, we published the likes of Leonard Cohen, Margaret Atwood, Louis Dudek, F.R. Scott, and P.K. Page. Scrivener seems to have continued pretty steadily throughout the 80s, 90s, and early 2000s, picking up such eminence as Anne Carson, Seamus Heaney, [and] Michael Ondaatje. It continued throughout the 2010s […] and then went dormant during the pandemic,” Sponga told The Tribune.

The current team relaunched its first issue last April and plans to release two new issues this year—one in the fall and one in the winter. They also seek to honour the magazine’s past, while looking towards the future, through its website. The Scrivener team digitally publishes key archival work, including an interview with Anne Carson from 1997 and four poems by Leonard Cohen from 1982. 

But their vision goes beyond nostalgia; they strive to build a community that connects readers and writers alike.

“We’re hoping to cultivate literary excellence, and perhaps even more than that, a sense of community both in Montreal and beyond,” Holmes said. 

Part of that vision is visual. Scrivener’s current design embraces a monochrome, minimalist, and intentional style that equally captures both its artistic value and literary merit. Sponga mentioned that the team is still experimenting with the design of the magazine, but it is clear that aesthetic cohesiveness remains key in their creative direction. 

But it is the team dynamic that best embodies the spirit of the magazine. With Scrivener’s storied history looming over the team, they delved into how it felt suited to take on this responsibility. In the spirit of true teamwork, each member answered for the other.

“Izzi, ever the industrious socialite, is a good fit for the magazine because she lends it a certain tempo,” said Sponga.

Homes in turn said, “I find Jacob’s care for language and aesthetics alike very impressive, and truly value his attentiveness to detail. Both make our magazine all the better.”

Holmes also singled out McBride, commenting on her work ethic.

 “I had Isabella in mind for Managing Editor because she puts the same amount of care into everything she does, whether that be sending emails, making schedules, or discussing the sentence structure of a short story.”

Scrivener’s expansive and diligent editorial board currently includes undergraduate students, graduate students, and PhD candidates across a number of disciplines at McGill. They collaborate over four sections: design, poetry, fiction, and nonfiction/interviews. 

A key moment for the team—and the culmination of their months of persistent work—was the launch party held on April 24, 2025, at Cardinal Tea Room.

Holmes said, “The launch was proof that what we were doing had worked and that we could reach an audience in real time. Everyone was excited about the contributors, with poems by Medrie Purdham and Derek Webster, as well as interviews with Montreal icons like Dimitri Roussopoulos and Gabrielle Drolet.” 

As someone who attended the launch, I completely understood Holmes; it was the perfect encapsulation of what it meant to be part of Montreal’s rich and dynamic literary community. The invited contributors, who had the chance to read their work aloud, were introduced by editors who had worked on the respective pieces, exemplifying the collaborative effort that went into publishing the magazine. Scrivener also invited other Montreal magazines—including Ahoy, Stimulant, and Soliloquies—to sell their own work. The launch truly showed Scrivener’s investment in art, literature, and most importantly, cultivating a sense of community with others who share these interests. 

Scrivener is accepting submissions for poetry, fiction, nonfiction, and art until October 6th. Copies of issue 46 are available at The Word Bookstore. For more, head to https://scrivenerreview.com.

McGill, News, SSMU

SSMU BoD discusses meeting rules, member eligibility, and building protocol

The Students’ Society of McGill University (SSMU) held its first Board of Directors (BoD) meeting of the academic year on Sept. 16. 

The meeting began with Deputy Speaker Yasmin Beeai adopting the meeting agenda with zero opposition. Susan Aloudat, SSMU Vice-President (VP) University Affairs, successfully moved to postpone Beeai’s approval of the minutes until the next scheduled BoD meeting, as the minutes were not posted early enough for the Directors to review them in advance. 

Next, SSMU President Dymetri Taylor announced that Director Dylan Seiler resigned from the BoD the week prior, without reason for his resignation. Taylor also reported that VP Internal Zeena Zahida resigned from her position on Sept. 12, and a subsequent discussion on hiring a replacement will occur during the SSMU Legislative Council (LC) meeting on Sept. 25. 

The BoD then moved to discuss three motions, brought forward by Taylor, for approval. 

The first was about the 2025-2026 standing rules for the BoD, which outline the Board’s meeting operations and regulations. After the motion received no questions or debate in response, Beeai put the motion to a vote, which was unanimously approved. 

Taylor next introduced a motion disallowing the LC’s motion to appoint Councillor Meghan Lai to the BoD. SSMU regulations require BoD members to have completed 18 months at the university before joining, disqualifying Lai, who has only completed a year at McGill. 

Aloudat spoke on Lai’s promise as a candidate. 

“Councillor Lai would have been a great Director on the Board,” Aloudat said. “She’s been super engaged so far on [the] Senate Caucus, and she has been really responsive and great over the summer. So, if any of you are in SSMU in the future and you see that name, Meghan Lai, definitely keep her around.”

The disallowance motion was then approved unanimously. 

The Board moved to the third motion to approve building protocols for the University Centre. Taylor explained that these protocols are meant to ensure that the building has “rules regarding its usage, access rights, operating conditions, […] space agreements, tenancy, renovations, et cetera.” This motion was, again, approved unanimously, with no questions or debate. 

The BoD spent the rest of the meeting in confidential session. 

A previous version of this article stated that Dylan Seiler resigned from the SSMU Vice-President Finance role the week of Sept. 8, 2025. In fact, Seiler was never the VP Finance of SSMU, and instead resigned from his position on the Board of Directors the week of Sept. 8. The Tribune regrets this error.

Commentary, Opinion

Why regulating short-term rentals was a must for Montreal

Following a series of deadly fires in two short-term rental units in Old Montreal, city council passed a bylaw heavily restricting the short-term rental market, most principally limiting the timing and duration for which rental properties can be listed. Despite criticism from some homeowners and Quebec’s tourism department, these regulations are a necessary step in mitigating rent increases and addressing the housing crisis.

Montrealers are now able to rent out their primary residences only during the summer tourist season—for no more than 31 consecutive days—and require a permit to do so. Year-round Airbnb units are only allowed on certain streets. Quebec’s Tourism Department has expressed concern about potential cooling effects on tourism, while homeowners are worried about the loss of income generated by renting out their residences through platforms such as Airbnb. Despite these drawbacks, it is the government’s responsibility to prioritize its own citizens’ access to affordable housing.

Montreal, along with the rest of Canada, is experiencing a housing crisis, manifesting in an extreme surge in rent prices in the city. Between 2019 and the first quarter of 2025, average asking rent for two-bedroom apartments in the Montreal metropolitan area increased by 70.8 per cent, from $1,130 CAD to $1,930 CAD. For comparison, the metropolitan areas of Toronto and Vancouver saw average rent prices rise by 5.1 per cent and 27.3 per cent, respectively. 

Although housing in Montreal is generally cheaper overall than both aforementioned cities, the government’s decision to regulate short-term rentals is nonetheless necessary in its potential to slow down rent increases. Studies show that as Airbnb investors turn what was once long-term housing for a city’s residents into short-term rental properties, rents rise for the locals due to a decrease in supply. In New York City, for example, estimates indicate Airbnb may have increased average rents by $400 USD per year.

Even those who already have an apartment are not safe from evictions exacerbated by short-term rentals. In a phenomenon known as renoviction, landlords have begun evicting their tenants to make room for short-term rental properties. 

Students, who rely on affordable rentals during their studies, will particularly benefit from the implementation of a policy designed to address rent crises. As a city with over 180,000 university students, Montreal’s municipal government must do all it can to rein in this increase in rent prices; regulating platforms like Airbnb is a good starting point.

While a policy regulating Airbnb and other short-term rentals is not sufficient to fully fix Montreal’s high rent prices and housing crisis, it is a good first step to take. Limiting the ubiquity of short-term housing in Montreal will ease pressures on rent, while simultaneously preventing ‘ghost-town’ neighbourhoods and ensuring the safety of tourists.

Perhaps most importantly, these regulations will ensure both tourists’ and locals’ safety and prevent future tragedies similar to the two fires in Old Montreal. Both fires occurred in illegal Airbnbs, which were located in areas of the city where short-term rentals had been prohibited but unregulated. 

Before the implementation of the new law, owners would falsely claim properties as their primary residences to make renting them out easier. By January, over half of the short-term rental properties in Montreal did not comply with housing regulations. Since short-term rental platforms leave the detective work up to the cities they operate in, Montreal had trouble cracking down on rule-breaking properties. Now, in order to obtain the permit needed to rent part-time, owners must first prove that the property is their principal residence. Whether owners are renting their property outside of the allowed season, or renting without a permit, the new rules make it much easier to spot and stop illegal short-term rentals. 

As more and more housing units transform into profit-focused short-term rentals, communities and neighbourhoods suffer. The commodification of housing in Montreal has the potential to quickly turn charming, community-focused neighbourhoods into ghost towns full of empty Airbnb units in the off-season. You cannot have a neighbourhood if you do not have neighbours.  

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