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Demonstrators rally outside City Hall demanding that Martinez Ferrada make Montreal a sanctuary city

by Asher Kui on

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“So, so, so, solidarité ! Avec, avec, avec les sans papiers!”

On March 7, around 100 demonstrators gathered outside the Montreal City Hall for a rally demanding that Mayor Soraya Martinez Ferrada make Montreal a sanctuary city. According to Solidarité sans frontières—one of the organizations that held the rally—making Montreal a sanctuary city would allow everyone in the community to feel protected regardless of their legal status. This includes increasing undocumented immigrants and foreign workers’ accessibility to housing, employment, healthcare, and social aid.

The rally started at 2:00 p.m. when Samira Jasmin, a representative from Solidarité sans frontières,  explained the need for Montreal to become a sanctuary city.

“In Montreal, tens of thousands of residents live and work in fear of being arrested and deprived of their dignity and human rights,” Jasmin said. “They do not have any political, economic, or social rights. They suffer from violence and exploitation in their workplaces as much as in their own homes.”

Jasmin then posed a question to the Martinez Ferrada government.

“What have you done to represent and defend the rights of immigrants of precarious status, […] their right to live and exist, as well as their most fundamental rights?”

The next speaker was a representative from Women of Diverse Origins. In her speech, she read out a letter her colleague Dolores Chew wrote to Martinez Ferrada.

“Soraya, you are familiar with how people flee persecution, violence, and torture in our countries of origin and come here to build lives in peace and security,” she said. “The Head Tax imposed on Chinese migrants, the Continuous Journey Clause that impacted migrants mostly from the Punjab in India, the exclusion from voting rights, and on and on [….] The precarity of asylum seekers is part of a historical trajectory in Canada of laws that are put in place to exclude racialized populations.”

The representative also emphasized the need for immediate action in order to protect the city’s most vulnerable.

“On the eve of International Women’s Rights Day, we highlight the particularly critical situation of undocumented migrant women in precarious situations,” she said. “They are exposed to exploitation and abuse in their work environments [….] Fighting for women’s rights also means ensuring that the most vulnerable among us have access to services and resources. Soraya, sanctuary city now!”

A representative from the Defund the Police Coalition also gave a speech. The coalition, which comprises over 80 civil groups, aims to reduce the power and impunity of the Service de police de la ville de Montréal (SPVM) and the Canadian Border Services Agency (CBSA). They demanded that the Martinez Ferrada government shift the municipal budget’s priority to invest in services that support the Montreal community and its marginalized groups. The representative stressed that municipal politicians must shift away from exploiting migrant identities during political campaigning.

“The mayor of Montreal, a former migrant herself, has used this position to help her get elected in the municipal elections, while doing nothing for the migrant community,” the representative explained. “The weaponization of the migrant community to gain votes while standing idly by mass deportation and massive budget cuts of provincial support for migrants show how identity politics do not work [….] We are here to stand in solidarity with undocumented folks across Canada to demand the regularization of everyone and to demand that Montreal become a sanctuary city.”

The representative concluded her speech by emphasizing the policies that the Martinez Ferrada government must implement.

“Soraya Martinez Ferrada can prove that she cares about her constituents by doing three simple things,” she pointed out. “End the collaboration between the SPVM and CBSA. Ban arbitrary street checks, reduce the police budgets, and stop funding racial abuse and dystopian surveillance technologies. Use that money to fund social services that will help everyone, including undocumented folks.”

*All quotes were translated from French

Research Briefs, Science & Technology

McGill researcher Danielle Berbrier investigates new therapeutic for women with PCOS

by Michelle Yankovsky on

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Polycystic ovary syndrome (PCOS) is a disease characterized by excess hormone production from the ovaries, resulting in irregular menstrual cycles and fertility issues. PCOS affects around one in ten women, making it one of the most common endocrine disorders among women of reproductive age. Beyond its relationship to menstruation and fertility, PCOS is also associated with significant long-term cardiometabolic consequences, such as hypertension, type 2 diabetes, and obesity.

Hyperglycemia—elevated blood sugar levels—is a key culprit in PCOS-related cardiometabolic complications. High blood sugar can result in endothelial dysfunction, in which the thin layer of cells lining blood vessels cannot circulate blood and maintain a balanced cardiovascular system. Endothelial dysfunction is particularly common among women with PCOS.

These complications led Danielle Berbrier, a recent PhD graduate of McGill’s Department of Kinesiology and Physical Education and current first-year medical student in McGill’s School of Medicine, to search for a potential intervention.

In her recent study, published in the American Journal of Physiology, Endocrinology and Metabolism, Berbrier investigated the role of ketone monoester (KME) as a therapeutic for mitigating high blood sugar and endothelial impairments in women with PCOS. Berbrier employed a double-blind randomized control design, comparing 10 females with PCOS and 10 matched controls.

Berbrier’s desire to study PCOS stemmed from the lack of attention the syndrome has received in scientific research thus far.

“You put 10 women in a room, and the stats say one out of 10 should have it,” Berbrier said in an interview with The Tribune. “The other part that drove me was how understudied it was and how there’s no real universal treatment for [PCOS]. The more [I] worked with women and heard their stories of what they’ve been through, it felt like the least I could do was do research in this area.”

Berbrier’s study found that women with PCOS had higher blood glucose levels when administered the oral glucose tolerance test—a drink containing  75 grams of sugar—compared to their controls, which could be a marker of pre-diabetes or metabolic impairment. Researchers then administered KME and placebo supplementation to determine whether the treatment altered blood sugar levels.

“We found that [women with PCOS] had higher glucose levels and that their blood vessel health was impaired following that glucose [ingestion], but with a quick shot of KME, both their glucose levels and vascular health improved,” Berbier said.

The findings also demonstrated that KME’s ability to reduce hyperglycemia improved endothelial function, which is critical for preventing cardiovascular disease.

“Endothelial dysfunction is one of the earliest indicators of cardiovascular disease risk, and it’s a key role in the development of hypertension and atherosclerosis [….] It could also occur way before cardiovascular disease even happens,” Berbrier explained.

Other studies have found that ketogenic diets may improve hormone levels in women with PCOS. So, could KME supplementation through dietary sources achieve similar benefits for women with PCOS who have hyperglycemia and endothelial dysfunction?

“The dose of KME that the participants took was really high and so acute, […] ketone diets would take longer to see those types of benefits,” Berbier said. “It would be a hard comparison just because of dosing differences, but both [avenues] are promising.”

Berbier emphasized how meticulous her recruitment of participants was, noting that it represents both a strength and a limitation to the study’s findings.

“Anyone on Metformin or Ozempic were excluded, [which] ended up excluding a lot of females who were in the obese category,” Berbrier explained. “So, not by design, but by my rigorous inclusion criteria, I studied a non-obese cohort, which allowed me to look at the syndrome through its intrinsic symptoms with no confounding variables.”

However, up to 80 per cent of women with PCOS are obese. Berbrier noted that her findings are therefore not fully generalizable and suggested further investigation with more diverse cohorts of participants.

Given the increased prevalence of cardiometabolic diseases among females with PCOS, early intervention strategies are critical to preserving long-term health. PCOS must be addressed as being related not just to reproductive issues, but as having further significant cardiometabolic implications. Berbrier’s study helps address those implications through KME treatment, a promising avenue.

This work was funded by the Canadian Institutes of Health Research and was conducted in the Cardiovascular Health and Autonomic Regulation Lab under the supervision of Dr. Charlotte Usselman.

Private, Student Life

Is another economic model possible? Working Alternatives McGill thinks so

by Rebecca Hamilton on

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On Feb. 24, Burnside 1B16 was filled with students eating falafels and discussing neoliberalism. This wasn’t a class—it was a workshop put on by Working Alternatives McGill (WAM). The student group aims to foster a community that explores sustainable futures amid late-stage capitalism and the climate crisis. WAM’s most recent workshop was the second installment in a series called “Economics for Everyone.” By focusing on neoliberalism as the current dominant form of economic policy and thought, WAM built upon its first workshop, which traced the evolution of economic systems in Europe and North America over the last 500 years. Content particularly analyzed neoliberal capitalism as a root of many current issues, including the housing crisis, ecological crisis, and market concentration in the grocery sector.

Organizer Basil Dogra, a PhD student in the Faculty of Education, majored in Economics during his undergraduate degree. He says students may internalize economic myths from “advocates of the capitalist economy” through economic courses or general media, and explained that one goal of all of WAM’s activities—and particularly the Economics for Everyone workshops—is to examine these underlying assumptions.

“For example, [there is] the idea that capitalism is the best system because it allocates resources efficiently. This is something which […] is in fact not the case,” Dogra said in an interview with The Tribune.

Another common claim he addressed is that capitalism uniquely enables innovation.

“Innovation is a direct product of people’s public investment first, and then certainly it’s often a labour of love,” said Dogra.

He pointed to open-source software as an example. Much of the world’s digital infrastructure relies on software developed collaboratively and shared freely rather than produced for profit. Dogra also spoke about rational choice theory as a foundational assumption of traditional economic thinking. Rational choice theory is a model for human thinking used in microeconomics, theorizing that individuals will make decisions that maximize their personal benefit and satisfaction. The discipline itself is increasingly recognizing the limits of rational choice theory, particularly following Richard Thaler’s 2017 Nobel Prize win.

While some advanced economics courses cover similar debates, Dogra says that, in his experience, a single core assumption often remains.

“[It is assumed] that you cannot think about any kind of economic activity without a profit motive.”

By studying economic structures such as worker cooperatives, the group hopes to challenge what many commentators identify as a central feature of contemporary capitalism: the belief that the current economic system is the only possible one.

In addition to the Economics for Everyone series, WAM is running two other projects this semester. One is a series of discussion circles about different practices for economic change, including union organizing and mutual aid.

Organizer Harlan Porfiri, U3 Science, explained the format of these sessions.

“[They] are less directly educational and more about having nuanced conversations,” Porfiri said.

The third project is a career fair featuring organizations within the social and solidarity economy, and WAM links students to explanations of the solidarity economy from resources such as the Solidstate website. Planned for the end of March, organizers aim to showcase organizations that provide alternative employment options for STEM students who are typically recruited by fossil fuel companies and defence contractors.

What, exactly, is a ‘solidarity economy’? Dogra describes it as an economic model in which “the economy is run by firms and organizations that have community welfare and broader prosperity as their priority rather than profits.” SEIZE, a Montreal group and cooperative incubator from Concordia University working to build solidarity-economy practices, also collaborates with WAM.

 Dorga sees WAM’s environment as an essential complement to other forms of political organizing.

“There is one aspect to leftist organizing where you organize protests, picket, or call out the McGill administration. That is an absolutely important dimension,” he says. “But an equally important dimension is building popular education, the intellectual orientation to the leftist enterprise.”

Students interested in attending events or getting involved are encouraged to explore WAM’s Instagram page, @workingalternativesmcgill.

A previous version of this article published on March 10, 2026, stated that Working Alternatives McGill’s third project is “a career fair featuring organizations within Solidstate, a ‘cooperative of cooperatives, bound together by a commitment to friendship and mutual aid’ based in British Columbia.” In fact, the career fair will feature organizations within the social and solidarity economy more broadly, and WAM’s career fair will not be limited to groups from Solid State. The Tribune regrets this error.

Arts & Entertainment, Film and TV

Annual “Actor Awards” brings a new name and continued support for organized labour

by Dylan Hing on

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On March 1, Hollywood’s brightest stars graced the stage of the Shrine Auditorium for the 32nd annual Actor Awards, formerly the Screen Actors Guild (SAG) Awards. Hosted by Kristen Bell for the third time, the ceremony was livestreamed on Netflix.

This year’s newly implemented dress code had the theme “Reimagining Hollywood Glamour from the ‘20s and ‘30s,” and as always, attendees rose to the task. Chase Infiniti of One Battle After Another arrived on the red carpet in an eye-catching dress fitted with 92,000 crystals, and Viola Davis stunned in a sparkling emerald dress.

Speaking of the red carpet, one of the cutest pre-show moments came when singer Teyana Taylor’s five-year-old daughter, Rue, sang “Let it Go” from Frozen, dazzling those around her and mesmerizing Jessie Buckley, star of Hamnet. And yes, Rue’s fashion was on point.

The big winners of the night were Buckley, who won Best Actress for Chloé Zhao’s adaptation of Hamnet, and Michael B. Jordan, who took home Best Actor for Ryan Coogler’s Sinners. Having already raved about Buckley’s performance, I couldn’t help but cheer as she accepted her award, and I never doubted that Jordan would win his category. Another major victory for Sinners occurred when Samuel L. Jackson presented the night’s final award for Outstanding Performance by a Cast in a Motion Picture, and Delroy Lindo gave a truly wonderful acceptance speech on their behalf.

Regarding well-deserved awards, one cannot go without mentioning the heartbreaking moment where the late Catherine O’Hara won Best Actress in a Comedy Series for The Studio. The series’ co-creator, Seth Rogen, who won the award’s male equivalent for his performance in that same show, spoke on her behalf. His tribute to O’Hara was touching, and his reminder to keep her legacy alive gracefully honoured her decades of contributions to the industry.

As SAG-AFTRA, the labour union for screen and audio artists, presented the ceremony, the night also served as a reminder of the importance of actors uniting as one labour movement. Sheryl Lee Ralph, recent star of Abbott Elementary, stressed the necessity of the union during the pre-show interviews, and SAG-AFTRA president Sean Astin spoke about the union’s importance during the main event. In addition, Noah Wyle, who was awarded Outstanding Performance by a Male Actor in a Drama Series for his performance in The Pitt, made a personal comment on his relationship with the union.

“I love being an actor. I love actors. Working with you, playing with you, and when necessary, marching alongside all of you, has been the greatest joy of my life. I’m so grateful to this union [….] I don’t take it for granted, and I don’t forget the hard-won fights and battles by giants who fought before us, on whose shoulders I and we all stand.”

Harrison Ford, who received the Lifetime Achievement Award, echoed similar remarks about the personal importance an actor feels through the chance to work alongside others in the shared space of the industry.

“The work I do with other actors is one of the great joys of my life. My career is built on their work, as well as the work of writers, directors, and every single cast member, every crew member […] and being able to deliver the work we create together to an audience is an honour and a privilege.”
The celebration of not just the work of actors, but the community’s collective elevation of its members, gave the Actor Awards a sense of power that distinguishes it from other annual ceremonies. The award winners were selected through a vote of union membership now totalling almost 200,000, making each award both collectively symbolic and deeply personal. While the “Actor Awards” may be running under a new name, it’s a change that harkens back to who unions are for in the first place: The people.

Commentary, Opinion

Reelected as Conservative Party Leader, Pierre Poilievre is a divisive choice

by Nello Giuliani on

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For the Conservative Party of Canada (CPC), re-electing Pierre Poilievre as party leader reflects a calculated bet that ideological consistency will outweigh declining cross-party support, even amid shifting public attitudes. By relying on a familiar face to unite constituents across the country, CPC has assumed its audience is willing to entertain the same policy platform, populist sentiment, and combative messaging that lost the Conservatives the 2025 General Election. Reaffirming his leadership also stands as a polarizing choice that risks inter- and intra-party division—not only regarding policy, but also his appeal as a leader. Although his reelection might solidify his base among Conservatives, it risks further propagating political polarization in Canada at a time when the country cannot afford it. 

Poilievre was reelected by a vote of 87.4 per cent at the Conservative Party’s convention in late January 2026. At first glance, this staggeringly high result appears to confirm that his core voter base and fellow Conservative Party members still fully back his agenda and continue to believe in the momentum he held prior to Trump’s re-election. However, the election was also explicitly designed to maximize Poilievre’s chances of victory. It was held in his hometown of Calgary, Alberta—a conservative stronghold—at the same time as the Ontario Progressive Conservative Party Convention, to limit the presence of Poilievre-doubters.  

This strategic vote reveals two major insecurities within the Conservative Party. The first is that consolidating Poilievre’s leadership in Alberta hints at a lack of crossover appeal, which hinders the CPC’s chance at expansion. This is reinforced by signs of a weaker voter base in central and eastern regions during the 2025 federal elections, which forced Poilievre to abscond to Alberta to retain a seat in Parliament after losing the Ontario riding he had held for almost two decades. The second is that there are fears of internal division, not only with Poilievre’s loss of support among more centrist Conservative voters, but also from the party’s shrinking coalition. This fear has only been reinforced as more Conservative Members of Parliament (MPs) cross the floor to join the Liberal Party, the latest being Matt Jeneroux, representative for Edmonton Riverbend. 

These losses are in part due to the fact that Poilievre’s platform, focused on affordability, reducing crime, and reducing the national deficit, is closely aligned with Trump’s successful 2024 presidential campaign. Yet, despite the Trump administration’s hostile stance on Canadian foreign policy, including tariffs and threats of annexation, this platform has remained unchanged, rendering it unable to sway voters. A MAGA-sympathetic CPC is a harder sell now that tensions with the US require a Canadian leader who will not capitulate to Trump’s demands. This sentiment is clearly shown in new polls measuring Poilievre’s personal ratings, which show that 48 per cent of Canadians hold a negative impression of Poilievre. Similarly, in Quebec, Parti Québécois leader Paul St-Pierre Plamondon has experienced declining popularity due to his separatist platform which alienates voters who are more concerned with national unity in light of international uncertainty.  

Since Poilievre is reinforcing his line of conservatism to favour his most dedicated voter base, which tends to include young people and recent immigrants, he has failed to make gains beyond. As a result, a divide has emerged between the core Conservative bloc, which has unwaveringly platformed him, and Conservative voters at large. This has only fostered division between more radical and more progressive conservatives—division that is far too fundamental for this solidifying base approach to be an effective strategy. Even worse, Poilievre’s blind commitment to his hardline voters has only deepened national polarization. As the CPC distances itself further and further from the platforms of the Liberals and the New Democratic Party, the result is an effective divide both between parties and within them. 
As a majority of Canadians have begun to view the US as a negative global force, Canadians are far more likely to rally behind the party preaching national unity, and Poilievre will have to make changes to show that he can represent a united Canada. However, even though CPC leaders seem aware that their platform under Polievre has become more unpopular to constituents and has, in fact, undermined national unity, they don’t seem ready to adopt a new strategy—or a new leader to be their party’s face.

Research Briefs, Science & Technology

Accidental discovery reveals a potential plant-based anti-aging compound

by José Moro Gutiérrez on

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Geroscience, the study of aging and age-related diseases, has become a popular area of research in recent years. Here, the focus is not on treating age-related illnesses, but preventing or delaying their onset by understanding the biological mechanisms underlying aging. In a recent study, researchers discovered that Cyrene, a plant-derived solvent, can extend lifespan and improve health in model organisms, raising new questions about how small molecules might influence aging.

Published in npj Aging, the study examined Cyrene’s effects on two organisms used in aging research: The microscopic roundworm Caenorhabditis elegans and the fruit fly Drosophila melanogaster. These species share many biological pathways with humans, allowing scientists to observe aging-related changes quickly across many generations.

Abdelrahman AlOkda, a former PhD student in McGill University’s Integrated Program in Neuroscience who worked in the Van Raamsdonk Neuroscience Lab, led this study. In an interview with The Tribune, AlOkda noted the discovery of Cyrene’s anti-aging effects was unexpected. While evaluating Cyrene as a potential solvent, he noticed that worms exposed to the compound lived significantly longer than untreated worms.

“This was just a side discovery,” AlOkda said. “Cyrene is a solvent. It’s not supposed to do this. When we saw the animals living longer and resisting stress better, the reaction was, ‘What is happening here?’”

AlOkda exposed worms to several concentrations of Cyrene and monitored their lifespan. A concentration of about one per cent produced the best results, significantly extending lifespan while producing only mild side effects such as slight developmental delays and small reductions in fertility.

The compound did more than simply extend lifespan. Worms treated with Cyrene also maintained stronger movement as they aged, suggesting improvements in what is called ‘healthspan.’

“You could extend lifespan but still have animals that are unhealthy,” AlOkda added. “What researchers really care about is healthspan, [which is] the period where the organism is still functioning well. There’s no point living longer if you’re sick the entire time.”

The treated worms also showed increased resilience when exposed to environmental stress. They survived heat, oxidative damage, and other stress conditions better than untreated worms, particularly later in life. Because aging often reduces the body’s ability to cope with stress, maintaining this resilience may indicate that protective cellular systems remain active for longer.

Moreover, cyrene appeared to help protect against neurodegenerative disease in experimental models. Worm strains engineered to mimic conditions similar to Alzheimer’s, Parkinson’s, or Huntington’s disease typically show reduced movement as toxic proteins accumulate in their cells. Worms treated with Cyrene, however, maintained higher levels of activity, suggesting the compound may help preserve nervous system function.

“A geroprotective compound affects the process of aging in a positive way,” AlOkda explained. “Instead of treating just one disease, you’re modifying aging itself. When you slow aging down, you can potentially protect against multiple age-related diseases.”

Another finding involved the worms’ bacterial food source. In some experiments, chemicals extended worm lifespan simply by altering the metabolism of bacteria used in laboratory cultures, indirectly changing the worms’ diet. AlOkda tested this possibility and found that Cyrene extended lifespan even when worms were fed bacteria that could not grow or reproduce, implying that the compound acts directly on the organism itself rather than the bacteria in its food.

To test whether Cyrene’s effects extend beyond worms, AlOkda repeated similar experiments with fruit flies. Flies exposed to certain concentrations of Cyrene lived longer than untreated flies, with lifespan increases ranging from about 11 to 29 per cent depending on the dose and the sex of the flies. These results suggest that Cyrene may influence biological mechanisms shared across different species.

However, AlOkda cautions that the findings remain preliminary. Studies in worms and flies provide perspective into biological mechanisms, but they do not guarantee that the same effects will occur in mammals or humans. Further research is needed to understand how Cyrene interacts with cellular pathways and whether similar benefits could appear in more complex organisms.

“This discovery was really just a side quest,” AlOkda concluded. 

For now, the discovery shows how unexpected observations can lead to important scientific breakthroughs: A compound originally developed as a sustainable solvent may now offer new clues about how organisms maintain resilience against aging.

Mia Helfrich/The Tribune
Editorial, Opinion

Quebec’s forestry regime is racial capitalism

by The Tribune Editorial Board on

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MAMU First Nation, a collective of nearly 40 Indigenous land guardians and hereditary chiefs from the Atikamekw and Innu nations, has filed a lawsuit in the Quebec Superior Court, seeking formal recognition of their rights over territory between the St. Lawrence River, the Saint-Maurice River valley, and northern Mauricie. Their legal challenge demands that the court void all forestry permits and supply guarantees, as these permits were issued without their consent. 

This lawsuit is part of a broader effort to counter Quebec’s Bill 97, the Legault government’s proposed overhaul of the province’s forestry regime which sought to offer unceded territory for industrial logging activity. This legal injunction, alongside mass blockades in the summer of 2025, tackles a pervasive pattern of Quebec seizing Indigenous land for provincial industrial control. Bill 97 may be withdrawn, but the system of racial capitalism that facilitates Indigenous land dispossession and labour exploitation on those lands will remain unless it is fundamentally addressed through the courts. 

Bill 97 proposed dividing public forests into thirds: a conservation zone, a zone dedicated exclusively to private industrial logging activity, and a multi-purpose zone. If it had passed, Bill 97 would have designated significant portions of unceded Indigenous land for industrial use, a clear violation of sovereignty. By allowing the province and industry to extract economic value from Indigenous land while withholding Indigenous authority, Bill 97 reinforced a system of racial capitalism in which colonial dispossession enables the continued extraction of valuable resources for the monetary gain of the colonial state and private developers. Indigenous communities and environmental groups protested the bill, warning it would prioritize extraction while weakening already inadequate public and Indigenous oversight. 

Despite the success of Indigenous activists in demanding Bill 97’s removal, scrapping the bill does not resolve the underlying issue, as Quebec’s current legal framework still violates the decision-making power of Indigenous groups, instead placing all autonomous control in the hands of the province. Quebec’s Sustainable Forest Development Act may require the government to take into account the “interests, values, and needs” of Indigenous communities and consult Indigenous communities specifically. However, by only requiring consultations with band councils, whose expertise is often limited to the reserves they preside over, the government neglects the authority of territory chiefs, land guardians, and hereditary chiefs. The law may obligate the Quebec government to conduct consultations, but if this does not come with policy adjustments, these legal standards are obsolete.

Aboriginal and treaty rights are explicitly recognized and affirmed under Section 35 of the Canadian Constitution. Yet, through their treatment of Quebec’s forests, the province and private industry continue to prioritize extraction and economic gain over these constitutionally guaranteed rights. 

Canada’s labour system operates by the same logic. Under the Seasonal Agricultural Worker Program, migrant workers are recruited to fill labour shortages while being kept on temporary status, limiting long-term security. The Temporary Foreign Worker Program reinforces that precarity by tying workers’ futures to employer sponsorship. When employers determine the ability of temporary workers to secure permanent status or citizenship, changing jobs, reporting abuse, or resisting exploitation can carry serious risks. Though the laws governing land and labour differ, the premise of racial capitalism is foundational to both: for-profit extraction through the exploitation of stolen land and foreign labour. 

McGill is not outside this system, either. The university, situated on the unceded territory of the Kanien’kehà:ka, not only operates on stolen land but has continued to pursue expansion and development projects. The wealth behind the university’s founding came directly from James McGill’s participation in the colonial economic system and his slave ownership, illustrating its continued execution of racial capitalism through land dispossession and labour exploitation. The New Vic Project is also still in process despite persistent legal action by the Mohawk Mothers and potential evidence of human remains buried on the site. As is the case under Quebec’s forestry law, consultation without redistributed authority remains an inadequate, self-serving standard, especially for an institution whose history and present-day action are both inseparable from colonial dispossession.  

If Quebec is serious about reform, it must move beyond consultation and end the system that turns land and labour into sources of profit, all the while stripping power from the most impacted. 

As long as the province can profit from licensing extraction on unceded land and precarious racialized labour, the deeply embedded system of racial capitalism will remain unchanged.

News, The Tribune Explains

The Tribune Explains: Abortion rights in the Quebec Constitution Act

by Josette Chandler on

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On Oct. 9, 2025, Quebec Minister of Justice Simon Jolin-Barrette introduced Bill 1, the Quebec Constitution Act, to the National Assembly of Quebec. The act intends to establish a provincial constitution, allowing for more legislative autonomy by enshrining popular Quebec values, such as French language protection, secularism, and abortion rights. However, on Feb. 20, Jolin-Barette withdrew Section 29 of this bill, which would have guaranteed the right to abortion as part of the prospective constitution. The Tribune breaks down Section 29 of the Quebec Constitution Act, examining how its withdrawal may affect the protection of abortion rights in Quebec.

What is Section 29?

Section 29 of the Quebec Constitution Act states, “the state shall protect the freedom of women to have recourse to a voluntary termination of pregnancy.” Jolin-Barrette originally added this clause due to his concern that women’s reproductive rights may one day be called into question, which he described in an open letter.

“I am sincerely worried. Worried that in the coming years, women’s rights—of our mothers, our sisters, our daughters—will crumble, at the risk of their health and dignity,” Jolin-Barette wrote. “It is this deep and persistent concern that convinced me to include in the draft Constitution a provision that would commit the Quebec government to act to defend women’s free choice to have an abortion.”

Why was the clause protecting abortion withdrawn?

The idea of withdrawing Section 29 first gained traction on Feb. 18 in the public hearings for Bill 1, when Claude Morin, a former member of the National Assembly of Quebec, asked whether the clause was being considered for removal. Etienne-Alexis Boucher, a former Parti Québécois member for the Johnson electoral division, expressed support for the section’s withdrawal. 

“My recommendation to all parliamentarians is to improve the bill so that the final version can respond to criticism. And you are right, there has been very strong criticism of the right to abortion,” Boucher said. “If this type of enhancement to the bill allows [us] to broaden the consensus on this one, I think that would be a good idea.”

Later in the hearing, Natacha Meilleur, a representative from the Clinique des femmes de l’Outaouais, requested the removal of Section 29 from the bill. She argued that the clause does not aid abortion rights, but rather puts them at risk. 

“Enshrining abortion in a constitutional text would [offer no] additional protection demonstrated,” Meilleur said. “Canada protects abortion with autonomy and personal safety. And, moreover, the Canadian model is legally more integrated into the fundamental rights structure. And that’s what makes it more stable. It is therefore the absence of legislation that is our strength. Legislating on abortion is therefore a way of offering a breach, a legal hold that may be interpreted, challenged, or modified in the future.”

Following the arguments introduced in this session, Jolin-Barrette removed Section 29 from the Quebec Constitution Act. 

What protections are in place for abortion rights in Quebec?

Currently, abortion rights in Quebec are protected based on jurisprudence that supports the right of women to choose, such as R. v. Morgentaler.  This case overturned a 1969 law that criminalized abortion except in specific circumstances across Canada. The case used Section 7 of the Charter of Rights and Freedoms—specifically the right to security of the person—as the legal basis for removing the abortion restrictions, arguing that they infringed on pregnant women’s right to security. 

In a written exchange with The Tribune, McGill’s chapter of the Women’s Network, the largest collegiate networking organization for women in North America, emphasized the significance of protecting women’s bodily autonomy as fundamental to women’s rights. 

“It is important to protect abortion rights because they are integral to a woman’s freedom, independence and self-autonomy,” the Women’s Network wrote. “Abortion rights are human rights and women’s rights, and it is important that the legislation reflects that. One should have the right to make decisions regarding their own body and future without judgment or fear of legal or social repercussions.”

For more information on accessing abortion at McGill, please visit a previous article published on Nov. 19, 2024.

Commentary, Opinion

Quebec is failing the basic test of reproductive care

by Amalia Kylie Tsampalis on

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Despite increasing sexual health awareness, long-term oral contraceptives are still relatively inaccessible to young individuals within Quebec, as many fall victim to the province’s high healthcare costs and physician unavailability. This lack of uncompromised access to basic healthcare perpetuates the stagnation in promoting reproductive health in Quebec.

In October 2024, Bill C-64 (the Pharmacare Act) was established across Canada. Its objective was to allow single-payer coverage on contraceptives, boosting attainability and building the pharmacare expansion foundation. However, the Bloc Quebecois’s arguments that healthcare is a provincial matter quietly influenced the bill’s implementation into the province’s existing health insurance plan, Régie de l’assurance maladie du Québec (RAMQ). 

Those in the young adult demographic who lack access to a family or employer plan typically rely on RAMQ’s Public Prescription Drug Insurance Plan, which generally reimburses only up to the cost of the lowest‑price generic medication in a given class. The provincial government has failed to acknowledge that young adults residing in Quebec do not have adequate pharmacare access. Those in the young adult demographic without familial endorsement typically use RAMQ’s Public Prescription Drug Insurance Plan, which covers only the lowest-price medication. If the patient can only obtain affordable medication, this option changes multiple times a year. This inconsistency can cause detrimental hormonal side effects. RAMQ lacks attentiveness to potential health compromisers, consequently disregarding healthcare nuances. 

A 2025 study states that women aged 20-29 made up 58 per cent of Canada’s unintended pregnancies. Within Quebec, women in this same age group made up over one-third of all births in 2024—highlighting the disproportionate concentration of pregnancies within young adults. This range aligns with the average years of peak fertility, the pursuit of education, and when individuals learn most about their sexual preferences. These intersecting life factors illustrate why accessible contraception is particularly critical for this demographic. Another study details how even if contraceptive use is desired, individuals are fearful of facing judgment when purchasing. The lack of easy access to oral contraceptives has created a significant barrier to their use.

Furthermore, physicians in Quebec prescribing these medications already struggle with understaffing. The passing of Bill 2 now ties physicians’ salaries to province-set performance targets. The bill’s unrealistic goals exacerbate existing strain, pushing doctors to leave the province.

This problem is perpetuated through McGill’s very own Wellness Hub. It is seemingly impossible for students to receive care in a timely fashion—or get appointments at all. This inaccessibility stems from the fact that the Wellness Hub is not the primary place of employment for its healthcare workers. Physicians sign up for extra hours to work at McGill, and are not paid specific salaries. This is unfair to thousands of McGill students who may otherwise struggle to access care.   

Ruba Ghazal, Québec Solidaire’s co-spokesperson and leader of the second opposition group at the National Assembly of Quebec identified this inaccessibility struggle. In May 2025, she proposed Bill 994, or the  Act to foster sexual and reproductive health through improved access to contraception. Its objectives include improving anonymity and destigmatization, enhancing personal autonomy, reducing unplanned pregnancies, and alleviating societal inequalities. 

If the bill is passed, its desired implementation would occur in four divisions. Ghazal’s first proposed stage allows individuals under the RAMQ free access to contraceptives, also offering coverage to unhoused people, minors, and others. The second stage will design pilot projects that enable designated professionals (such as midwives and nurses) to administer contraception—a role typically reserved for physicians. The final measures touch on awareness and privacy. Stage three describes confidential distribution methods for prophylactics across high schools, colleges, and universities, and the fourth implements mandatory sexual education in grade schools. Bill 994 would grant Quebec the opportunity to promote a more nuanced approach to fundamental healthcare.  

Thus far, safety concerns have prevented the bill’s approval. Politicians are worried that the administration of such medication from non-physicians risks a lack of open familial communication, as well as poor medication quality. Families have expressed concern that minors could access high-impact medications without guardian consent or knowledge of potential implications, particularly if prescribed by non-physicians without full understanding of the patient’s health. But granting these responsibilities to other notable care providers proactively addresses the healthcare understaffing issue. Allowing the distribution of all contraceptive brands without cost ensures increased access to effective medication. Consequences like unplanned pregnancy are greater risks when individuals have concealed, unprotected sex—not concealed, protected sex. 

Furthermore, Bill 994 would save the Quebec government money. According to Action Canada for Sexual Health & Rights, for every $1 CAD put into covering contraceptive costs, $9 CAD is saved in pregnancy-related fees. 


Ghazal’s Bill 994 allows young adults to access a basic form of healthcare while offering solutions to Quebec’s pharmacare challenges through the Free Access to Contraception Program. With creativity and a humanitarian approach, Ghazal has shown that working to rebuild a broken system is possible—it just requires the right mindset.

Art, Arts & Entertainment

Richard Avedon’s ‘Immortal-Portraits of Aging’ has revolutionized photography

by Lia James on

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In a time of glamourized celebrity personas and pristine, unchanging faces, Richard Avedon’s work is a breath of fresh air. The American fashion photographer and portraitist treasured the honest representation of aging in those he photographed. The exhibit Immortal–Portraits of Aging at the Montreal Museum of Fine Arts features his successful capture of the natural beauty of his subjects. By shooting in black and white, Avedon highlighted wrinkles, reflection in the eyes, and human imperfections, placing subjects face-to-face with viewers.

Avedon produced a diverse array of portraits, including notable directors, artists, singers, and politicians—some of the most well-known being Ronald Reagan, Patti Smith, and Willem de Kooning. Today, celebrities are constantly altering their appearances to look more youthful. Whether through plastic surgery or Instagram filters, audiences barely get to see those who have created impactful art as their true selves. Avedon, however, captured his celebrity subjects with no filters and no glamorous poses, just their bare selves. In doing so, his work continues to challenge traditional beauty expectations, revealing that aging is a beautiful blessing, not a curse.

The exhibit also includes nine photographs of his father, Jacob Israel Avedon, as he battled liver cancer between 1969 and 1973. Avedon captured the final portrait only days before his father’s death. Through these images, viewers sense the close relationship the two men shared through Jacob’s natural positioning in the photos. These images expose the ephemerality of life; no matter who we are, time will take us all in the end. The photos portray the final moments between a father and a son, immortalizing the temporary, countering the loss of a loved one with an eternal appreciation for their life.

Richard’s photographs depict love, sadness, and most prominently, satisfaction. He successfully conveys how legacies live on into old age, and how the spirit his subjects held in their craft persists. A prominent portrait in this exhibit is that of actor Gloria Swanson at age 81. Swanson is shown with a large smile on her face, running her hands through her hair, wearing glamorous red lipstick and eye shadow. She was known throughout her career for her glamour, and this image illustrates how she continues to uphold her style beyond her acting years.

Another photo in this exhibit is of William Casby, a man born into slavery, taken in 1963. True to style, the photograph is a close-up and reveals many of Casby’s facial features. Avedon, including such a highly detailed photograph of Casby, reminds us that historical atrocities such as American slavery are not so distant a past. In reality, it was so recent that high-resolution photographs of survivors are something we can view today. Immortal–Portraits of Aging not only shows the beauty of aging, but also puts into perspective moments in history.

Another prominent theme of this exhibit is what love looks like as you age. A photograph of pediatrician Benjamin Spock and his wife Jane Cheney Spock kissing depicts how love can transform from youthful joy into something deeper and more passionate. The photograph illustrates the intimacy that has grown between two people who are deeply familiar and comfortable with each other.

Immortal–Portraits of Aging is a love letter to continuous change throughout human life. It illustrates both the beauty and sadness that come with aging, teaching us to appreciate our lives and embrace the changes we will undergo as we continue to live.


Immortal–Portraits of Aging runs at the Montreal Museum of Fine Arts from Feb. 12, 2026-Aug. 9, 2026

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