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Science & Technology

McGill Biodesign pushes the boundaries of competitive bioengineering and peer collaboration

by Luca Paone on

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McGill BioDesign is one of McGill University’s premier bioengineering design teams. Based on engineering design practices, the team tackles an array of projects in medtech and sustainability, affording students the opportunity to collaborate in research laboratories across campus and compete internationally. For many, McGill BioDesign provides a unique learning environment outside of traditional coursework.

In an interview with The Tribune, project lead and U3 Faculty of Science student Siqi Mi—who joined McGill BioDesign as a research member and currently serves as Team Lead for the SensUs project—praised the team’s open-minded ethos and push to pursue individual interests.

“For me, BioDesign is a place [where] you can implement your thoughts,” Mi said. “When you feel like there’s a problem outside […] you can just come in and bring it up, and people will do the research and implement it into a protocol.”

Each year, McGill BioDesign runs approximately five projects, with teams of roughly 15 to 25 members. Projects begin with an ideation phase, followed by a literature review and protocol designs. Teams often start by replicating methods described in previous research before modifying them to meet specific project goals. 

“We definitely follow the path of what the previous paper has done […], and oftentimes we will add our new stuff in it to improve for certain goals,” Mi explained.

A distinctive feature of BioDesign lies in its internal structure. Similar to the scientific industry, projects at BioDesign are divided into research and translational potential groups. The research group handles experiment ideation, laboratory testing, and result optimization for competition. The translational potential group focuses on the projects’ real-world applications, consulting with industry professionals and collaborating with the research team on commercial aspects. The two groups meet weekly to update one another on progress and constraints.

In addition to developing practical skills, BioDesign allows its members to see how research unfolds outside a classroom setting. 

“Oftentimes, research fails. You go into lab, and whatever you make doesn’t work,” said Alan Fu, BioDesign’s Co-President and a U3 student in the Faculty of Engineering, in an interview with The Tribune. “But you slowly iterate, you slowly improve, and finally achieving something that gets some nice results is quite satisfactory.”

BioDesign also emphasizes global exposure. Each year, the team sends projects to international competitions, including the SensUs competition in the Netherlands and the BioDesign Challenge in New York City. SensUs is a biosensor competition that provides teams with a specific challenge; one recent prompt involved developing a monitoring system for levodopa, a medication used as a dopamine replacement in Parkinson’s patients. In addition to international events, BioDesign participates in local competitions such as the TechIdea Pitch Competition, where the team recently placed third.

On campus, BioDesign hosts the Biocase competition, inviting undergraduate teams to design solutions to bioengineering-related dilemmas over the course of a weekend. According to organizers, hosting Biocase serves as a way for BioDesign to give back to the student competition community.

Beyond research and competition, members consistently praise the club’s sense of community. Students come from a range of academic backgrounds, which allows projects to benefit from different perspectives. Fu noted that the club fosters close friendships through shared lab work and team social events. 

“I joined BioDesign in my first year, and that was when I met some of my closest friends from university,” Fu recalled.

Over the past four years, BioDesign has grown from approximately 40 members and around two projects to more than 100 members across five projects. Certain initiatives continue for longer than an academic year, and one team is currently in the peer-review process for publication through Cambridge University Press.

For students interested in applied science and design, BioDesign offers a clear pathway into hands-on research. 

“Getting involved in a design team is a really amazing way to get actual hands-on experience on what industry or research might actually look like,” Fu said. 

Interested students should note that recruitment for research roles typically occurs in the fall, while executive positions open later in the academic year.

McGill, News, SSMU, The Tribune Explains

The Tribune Explains: SSMU Special Plebiscite on constitutional reform

by Eren Atac on

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From Feb. 16 to Feb. 19, students voted in a Special Plebiscite concerning proposed amendments to the Constitution of the Students’ Society of McGill University (SSMU). The vote was intended to gather feedback from students ahead of a Special Referendum later this semester, when the constitutional changes may be adopted. 

According to certified results processed by Simply Voting, 1,482 students cast ballots, representing 6.2 per cent of 23,957 eligible voters.

The Tribune explains what the plebiscite asked, what the results were, and what happens next.

How is a plebiscite different from a referendum?

A plebiscite gathers student opinion but does not itself amend governing documents. In contrast, a referendum is binding and can formally change the Constitution if it meets quorum. The results of the Special Plebiscite may influence what appears on the Special Referendum ballot later this semester, but they do not mandate any specific revisions be made to the proposal.

Why was this plebiscite held?

While the vote itself will not amend the constitution, SSMU held the vote to consult the student body on potential changes before bringing them forward to the referendum. 

The results of the plebiscite will help inform proposed amendments to the SSMU Constitution before a separate vote later this term. Students were able to consult a separate document outlining the full proposed amendments before voting.

Because changes to the constitution affect how SSMU governs itself, this preliminary vote served as an opportunity for students to voice their opinions on the current SSMU governance system before binding changes are made.

What was on the ballot?

The plebiscite included three questions related to governance and constitutional reform. First, it asked which of the Board of Directors (BoD), Legislative Council (LC), or Executive Committee should serve as SSMU’s highest governing authority. This question concerned SSMU’s inner hierarchy and which body should hold the most decision-making power within the organization.

A majority of participating voters selected the LC, which received 586 votes, or 51.1 per cent of ballots cast on the question. The BoD received 440 votes (38.4 per cent), while the Executive Committee received 121 votes (10.5 per cent). There were 335 abstentions on this question, representing 22.6 per cent of participants.

The next question on the ballot asked voters to rank their preferred quorum threshold for a student strike from the following options: 50 per cent, 40 per cent, 30 per cent, 20 per cent, or 15 per cent of the student body. Quorum determines the minimum level of student participation required for a strike vote to be valid. Thus, changing this threshold would significantly affect how student strikes are ratified. 

Based on the ranked ballot points system, the 20 per cent quorum option received the highest number of points (4,114), followed closely by the 30 per cent option (4,050). 

The 15 per cent option received 3,786 points, the 40 per cent option received 3,529 points, and the 50 per cent option received 2,998 points. There were 172 abstentions on this question, representing 11.6 per cent of voters.

The final question on the ballot was a call for open feedback on constitutional reform, allowing students to directly voice their opinions on changes to SSMU’s legislature.

What happens next?

The results of the plebiscite will be considered as constitutional reform proposals move forward. Students will have the opportunity to vote again when the amendments are presented in a Special Referendum.

Although turnout was relatively low at 6.2 per cent, the plebiscite offers a view of student opinion on key governance questions. The upcoming Special Referendum will ultimately determine whether these preferences influence constitutional change.

McGill, News

AUS voting opens as candidates debate student governance and VP duties

by Asher Kui on

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The McGill Arts Undergraduate Society (AUS) elections for the 2026-2027 Executive Committee opened its voting period on Feb. 19 at 9:00 a.m. On Feb. 17, the AUS hosted a debate for candidates, allowing McGill students to pose questions to those running. Chief Elections Officer Cyprien Figuière began the event with a land acknowledgement, followed by Chief Elections Officer Lauren Irving who explained the debate rules.

Presidential candidate Keith Baybayon delivered his opening statement first, where he emphasized his priority of encouraging student democracy.

“[From] the low governance participation to now, where we have over 20 candidates standing before me [….]  I’m not starting from scratch because so much work has been done the past few years, and I’m here to continue building upon it,” Baybayon said. “Ensuring that the internal structures we have are strong enough to withstand any crises, strategizing our advocacy to ensure that the policies reach the right decision-making people and leadership administration [….] You deserve an AUS that works for you.”

Rishi Kalaga, the next presidential candidate, highlighted his mission to increase job security of AUS members and to improve the social life of McGill students.

“You can have your research projects funded and opportunities that are on and off campus that are supported by the AUS,” Kalaga said. “We’re going to partner with the Arts Internship Office and strengthen that relationship that we already have.”

Bogdan Sava, the third presidential candidate, reiterated his commitment to serving different departments in the Faculty of Arts by revisiting the allocation of student funds. Sava emphasized the importance of coordination between the AUS and the different faculties—promising monthly roundtables that would allow discussion and collective decision-making. Incumbent AUS President Aishwarya Rajan then posed questions regarding the balance of student fees, administration, and presidential duties to the three candidates. 

Kalaga mentioned that he would lower the fees of drinks at the student bar, Bar des Arts (BdA)—which was then questioned by AUS Vice-President (VP) Finance Ben Weissman.

“We get a contract from Sleeman that is the lowest that we could possibly get. How would you balance bringing the prices down without diluting the deficit?” Weissman asked.

Kalaga responded by saying the AUS may subsidize drink prices by redirecting the Arts Undergraduate Improvement Fund.

“I don’t think it necessarily would lead us into a deficit,” Kagala said. “The turnover year to year that sometimes happens in these funds isn’t really necessary, because people’s priorities have been clear.”

Sava ended the presidential candidacy round by thanking the participants for their attendance.

“I want to end by thanking you all, and as Keith mentioned, congratulating you for taking this moment here to give life to student democracy,” Sava said.

The VP Internal round came next, where the two candidates—Jane-Andrea Kwa Mbette and Gillian Vetters—debated the need to increase accessibility to faculty voices and collaboration with academic departments. 

Nicholas Coffin and Lucy Crowther, the two candidates running for VP Academic, then discussed the need for more student voices in the McGill administration’s decision-making. Crowther specifically mentioned her commitment to more student initiatives, such as expanding social media outreach and creating study groups with teaching assistants to increase academic transparency.

Ines Wolff, David Luzzatto, and Pearce-Tai Thomasson were the sole candidates running for VP Social, VP Finance, and VP Communications, respectively. Wolff explained that she would like to include more sober events during Frosh, as well as BdA drinks for people with celiac disease. Luzzatto emphasized that his priority, if elected, will be giving students more access to the money that they pay to McGill and the AUS.

“We keep paying money every year, and it’s not going back to students directly, or at least not enough,” Luzzatto said. “Looking at how large expenses, for example, auditing or other insurance lawyers [and] making sure that this is still the best option on the market […] is the best use of student money, because at the end of the day, that’s our job, to ensure that the money that the students trust and get to AUS is used in the best possible way.”

Janya Rajpal and Leonard Cox, the two candidates running for VP External, both discussed the student life after graduation from McGill. Rajpal explained AUS’s duty to help students explore paths beyond undergraduate studies, while Cox highlighted the need for transparency of career and graduation fairs.

The candidates running to be senators and representatives for the Students’ Society of McGill University (SSMU) had their debates next. There are six senator candidates: Rajan Duncan, Mateo Juan, Alexia Juillard, Ellen Kim, Frances Li, and Cindy Zhang. Four candidates are running for Arts representative: Achille Croquelois, Rhys Jones, Charley Letham, and Matias Rodriguez.

The campaigning period opened simultaneously with the voting period on Feb. 19, during which candidates could create social media accounts and present their platforms.

Duncan’s campaign includes revising the Policy on Assessment of Student Learning (PASL) and improving access to lecture recordings. Juan’s emphasizes transparency and accountability, while Kim’s aims to represent minority voices in the McGill Senate. Li promised to implement a textbook subsidy program and a free breakfast program in an effort to tackle food insecurity. 

Among the four candidates running to be SSMU Arts representatives, Croquelois assured greater accountability through more accessible office hours with student governors, while Jones will prioritize funding for clubs and services. 

The voting period will end on Feb. 26 at 5:00 p.m., and election results will be announced at 6:00 p.m. the same day. Students may cast their vote through a link sent to student emails from Elections AUS.

Commentary, Opinion

Welcomed to work, not to stay

by Camila Sierra Ordóñez on

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As of Nov. 19, 2025, international graduates of Quebec universities and temporary foreign workers are no longer eligible to apply through the accelerated immigration pathway to obtain a Certificat de sélection du Québec for permanent residence. This pathway, known as the Programme de l’expérience québécoise (PEQ), was abolished by Immigration Minister Jean-François Roberge under the François Legault administration, leaving previously eligible individuals with shattered hopes of obtaining permanent residency in Quebec. 

The Programme de sélection des travailleurs qualifiés (PSTQ), which replaced the PEQ program, is a competitive, points-based system with stringent requirements regarding French language proficiency, certified job offers, and alignment with the specific labour market needs. Since its establishment, the new program has been heavily scrutinized by immigration experts, municipalities, and businesses. Those who had moved to Quebec planning to apply for permanent residence through the now-abolished PEQ pathway—known as ‘PEQ orphans’—are now placed at the mercy of the PSTQ guidelines.

The abolition of the PEQ is not simply an administrative reform but a breach of trust between Quebec and the people it invited to build their lives in the province. In narrowing immigration to serve short‑term labour goals, the government has undermined both its moral authority and its long‑term economic interests.

This change cannot be understood solely as an economic adjustment. It reflects a broader policy approach under Quebec Premier Legault, whose administration consistently pushed for restrictions, cultural protection, and linguistic conformity. This pattern is evident in recent legislation such as Bill 21, which enforces secularism by banning certain public-sector employees from wearing visible religious symbols, disproportionately targeting religious minorities, and Bill 96, which toughens French language requirements for new immigrants, international students, and institutions under the guise of preserving francophone identity. 

These decisions are part of a long-standing legislative pattern in Quebec, led by political figures such as Legault, who have repeatedly denied the presence of systemic racism in provincial institutions. That pattern is now being reinforced by Roberge’s refusal to implement a grandfather clause for the PEQ, which would have allowed current applicants to retain eligibility for permanent residence.

On Feb. 7, protesters marched in Montreal, articulating the impact of the PEQ’s abolition. A psychology PhD graduate held a sign that read “Assez bonne pour travailler pour le Québec, pas assez pour rester” (Good enough to work for Quebec, not good enough to stay). Others echoed similar sentiments: “Je suis venu donner de la valeur, pas demander une faveur” (I came to contribute value, not to ask for a favour).

The government insists that the PSTQ is necessary to better align immigration with labour shortages, reduce pressure on housing and public services, and distribute newcomers more evenly across the province. These concerns are not irrational, yet by dismantling a predictable pathway for already‑integrated workers and graduates, the government risks deepening precisely the labour shortages it claims to address, particularly in sectors such as healthcare, where over 6,300 temporary foreign workers face expiring permits by 2026.

At its core, this shift raises deeper concerns about the nature of Quebec’s immigration policies. Immigration is not merely an economic tool; it is a system built on integration and trust. When governments change the rules, they reshape the relationship between the state and those who choose to build their lives within it. Instead of addressing the anxieties and expectations of Quebec immigrants by implementing a grandfather clause or equivalent measure, Roberge and his cabinet have merely replaced one immigration pathway for another—a solution that serves administrative priorities while leaving human realities unaccounted for. 

Quebec must not make promises it cannot—or will not—honour; to do so is a failure of governance. At its most basic level, effective governance requires listening to the people whose lives are shaped by political decisions and recognizing the weight those decisions carry. Immigrants are not interchangeable economic units to be recalibrated according to the province’s shifting priorities. They are people who have spent years building their lives in Quebec, contributing through work, study, and engagement. Any policy that ignores this reality risks undermining not only individual futures, but the very trust upon which effective and legitimate governance depends.

Research Briefs, Science & Technology

Available but not accessible: Clinicians highlight gaps in mental health service delivery

by Michelle Yankovsky on

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Conversations surrounding mental health (MH) have increased dramatically in recent years, with many institutions promoting wellness and expanding volumes of resources. However, the presence of services alone does not guarantee accessibility, particularly for immigrants, refugees, and socioculturally diverse communities, who often face barriers due to language, financial constraints, and increasing wait times. Many domains across Canada claim to value equity, diversity, and inclusion (EDI); why are certain communities continuously excluded?

This question led Tasmia Hai, associate researcher at the Douglas Research Centre and principal investigator of the Cognition, Attention & Achievement Research (CAAR) lab, to examine clinicians’ perspectives on MH service delivery. Hai’s recent study, published in BMC Health Services Research, interviewed 19 MH clinicians to gain their perspectives on the barriers to access of diverse populations. Her desire to pursue this research stems from both personal experience and an intention to better capture the current MH service landscape.

“Since 2020, there’s been a lot of push for EDI initiatives, and I wanted to get a sense from clinicians specifically working with individuals from diverse sociocultural backgrounds,” Hai said in an interview with The Tribune. “I myself am a first-generation immigrant to Canada, so I really wanted to see what the current circumstances were and which barriers [clinicians] were identifying.”

Other studies typically focus on patients’ experiences when navigating MH systems; Hai aimed to address this research gap by shifting the focus toward MH providers.

“As a clinician myself, I wanted to get a sense of what their experiences are when it comes to the challenges they are finding at work, because at the end of the day, clinicians are the frontline staff [providing the services].”

Clinicians identified logistical challenges—long wait times, high costs, and limited access to multilingual services—as common barriers to MH care.

“MH services are not generally free, so you would have to have access to external insurances [to cover costs]. However, the organizations providing services for reduced costs often have limitations, such as only allowing 10 sessions, which clinicians expressed [might not be sufficient for adequate care],” Hai explained. “Sometimes a family could only come to the clinic in the evening, but the clinician has to work their general nine to five, and so they don’t have the flexibility to move their schedule around because it’s not [permitted].”

The MH providers also identified social obstacles—stigma, mistrust, and cultural mismatch—that perpetuate barriers for diverse populations when accessing MH services.

“Many [clinicians] mentioned system-level changes to support individuals from diverse backgrounds,” Hai said. “It often felt tokenistic, like ‘Here is an EDI training that you can do,’ whereas if staff were more able to take time from their day to get those trainings and integrate them throughout their daily work, [social barriers could be better addressed].”

Hai highlighted that most of the clinicians in the study were from diverse backgrounds themselves, which may have contributed to their view of EDI as central to their work.

“There’s something about having that lived experience that I think often does not get captured in traditional Western medicine’s [curriculum],” Hai said.


Hai also emphasized the importance of early student involvement in their education so that, as future clinicians, they can develop the skills to foster equitable environments for diverse patients.

“With McGill being such a diverse institution with so many individuals from across the world, I think we should encourage students to think about some of the impacts of MH barriers to advocate for themselves and others in their future,” Hai said.

Hai emphasized the importance of addressing MH concerns proactively, noting that preventative measures are crucial to maintaining well-being.

“Things like high stress can lead to high blood pressure, which can lead to other cardiovascular diseases or diabetes,” Hai said. “We often don’t think about MH being associated with these things, but if we don’t address these challenges early on, it can cause [poor outcomes].”

Overall, Hai’s findings show that improving MH service access is not solely about expanding services but about transforming the systems that govern them through structural reform. While institutions may promote EDI on the surface, translating those missions into meaningful change for our diverse population remains a work in progress.

Behind the Bench, Sports, Winter Sports

Sport and politics are inseparable at the 2026 Milano Cortina Winter Olympics

by Luke Pindera on

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During the opening weekend of the 2026 Winter Olympics, U.S. Representative Tim Burchett made a post on X, writing, “Shut up and go play in the snow.” His jeer was in response to comments made by American skier Hunter Hess, who said that “it brings up mixed emotions to represent the [United States] right now [….] There’s obviously a lot going on that I’m not the biggest fan of.” Unsurprisingly, U.S. President Donald Trump also took issue with Hess, calling him “a real Loser” on Truth Social—Trump’s personal propaganda platform. 

Ah, yes: The classic trope that athletes must “stick to sports,” or that they should “leave sports out of politics.” Those have never been sensible arguments. International sport has always been political. 

Finnish historian Antero Holmila argues that the point of the Olympics has not simply been to organize different sports under one international event, but rather to promote “international understanding and ultimately, peace.” The idea of achieving international cooperation through sporting competition is central to Olympism. But the paradox of the Olympics is that while they intend to strengthen internationalism, the very nature of the Games—pitting nations against each other—inherently fuels national competition. The balance between internationalism and nationalism is a delicate one, and as the so-called rules-based order crumbles, the tone and meaning of the 2026 Olympic Games have shifted in tandem with the fierce nationalism of hard power politics.

The hostility hovering over this year’s Games was evident during the opening ceremony, with boos echoing through the iconic San Siro Stadium after U.S. Vice President JD Vance’s face appeared on the video screen. Top European Union diplomat Kaja Kallas commented on the incident, saying that “our public also has a pride, a European pride. So it shows.” This highlights one of the political trends that sits in the backdrop of the Games: The breakdown of the transatlantic alliance. Trump’s tariff threats, belligerence toward Greenland, and withdrawal of military support for Ukraine have led to a historic rift between the U.S. and Europe. JD Vance is a particularly controversial figure in Europe due to his infamous speech at last year’s Munich Security Conference, in which he expressed fear about Europe’s supposed “threat from within” and argued that the continent was not living up to its democratic values. 

The athletes themselves may not be wrapped up in the political ramifications of their performances, but with two Latvian fans hoisting the flag of Greenland during the men’s ice hockey match between the U.S. and Denmark, it is clear that onlookers understand that Milano Cortina serves as a political arena. 

The American-Canadian sporting rivalry is another affair to watch, as Trump has spent the last year and a half provoking and intimidating his northern neighbour. Former New Democratic Party Member of Parliament Charlie Angus said that “we’re looking at a next-door neighbour who makes increasingly unhinged threats towards us. So to go to international games and pretend that we’re all one happy family, well, that’s gone.” After the intensity of last year’s 4 Nations Face-Off hockey final, which saw Canada defeat the U.S. in overtime amidst Trump’s invasion threat, all eyes have been on men’s and women’s hockey in Milan, a sport that is central to Canadian identity. Both the women’s and the men’s gold medal games saw the Americans defeat the Canadians in overtime, which clearly landed well in the White House.
The competitive nature of international sport makes it a useful tool for nationalist actors. There are implicit Darwinian notions of physicality, fitness, and competition in sports, indicating how sports can serve as propaganda to convey ideas of national superiority. With today’s Great Powers approaching foreign policy through conquest and coercion, the mood of national confrontation hangs over the fragile international liberal order. One could argue that sport is an important avenue for nations to exert their competitive energies—after all, the ice rink is preferable to the battlefield. But as hard power politics become increasingly legitimized,  international sporting competitions will offer important opportunities for nations to display their might and defeat their rivals.

Research Briefs, Science & Technology

Parenting Black and Latine children in an era of heightened racism

by Antoine Larocque on

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In a political context marked by U.S. President Donald Trump’s inflammatory rhetoric vilifying people of colour, the rise of white supremacy, and heightened anti-immigration enforcement by ICE, racism and discrimination have become increasingly prevalent and dangerous for many people of colour. Black and Latine youth, in particular, are victims of disproportionate discrimination at school and in broader society, leaving parents deeply concerned about their children.

“Parents of colour have often had these [racist] experiences growing up and probably worry about their kids having them as well, and that worry might be associated with psychological outcomes or different behaviours,” N. Keita Christophe, an assistant professor in McGill’s Department of Psychology, said in an interview with The Tribune.

This worry can take on many different forms, depending on social circumstances as well as parents’ own experiences with racism. 

“Parents can worry about their kids getting discriminated against by teachers,” Christophe said. “They can worry about […] their kids experiencing police violence. Some of them might even worry that their kids will discriminate against other kids.”

Due to a lack of tools to assess parents’ concerns about their children’s experiences of racism, Christophe and his collaborators sought to measure how parents worry about their children’s discrimination. Their goal was to observe whether different types of worry reflect distinct concerns about racial discrimination.

The researchers used a scale called Worries About Racial Profiling (WARP) to assess the types of worries parents have, surveying Black and Latine parents in the United States who have a child aged 10 to 18. Parents reported on their concerns about their children facing discrimination, their own discriminatory experiences, and how they talk to their children about race and racism.

The team worked to determine whether the different survey items correlated with one another—whether they cluster into distinct dimensions or operate in distinct spheres. Their findings suggest that the different types of worries are closely related. Importantly, the measure also performed well across both Black and Latine racial groups and accounted for biases.

“A lot of times, [in psychology], the measures that we use […] have not been tested to see if they have a bias for or against certain groups, but if we want to compare groups on different things that we care about, we want to make sure our measures work equally and do not introduce that bias,” Christophe said.

The researchers also explored how these worries relate to other aspects of the parents’ lives. Parents who expressed greater concern about their children were more likely to have experienced discrimination themselves and to have more frequent conversations with their children about coping with racism. Notably, higher levels of parental worry were also associated with depressive symptoms in parents.

One strength of this study is that it targeted people across different geographical areas, capturing how racialized experiences vary across regions.

However, the study did not evaluate parental worries in Asian families. Asian individuals typically face different stereotypes, such as the “model minority” myth, a harmful stereotype which undermines the discrimination Asian people experience by framing them as intelligent and hardworking. Because discrimination can take distinct forms across racial groups, future work should focus on developing more inclusive measures that reflect a broader range of racialized experiences.

Looking ahead, Christophe recommends studying how parents’ worries about discrimination evolve as their children grow older. They expect concerns to grow during their children’s adolescence, as teenagers often spend more time outside the home and face greater exposure to other adults as well as the police.

More broadly, Christophe situated his work within a paradigm shift in psychology. Historically, racialized communities were excluded from psychology research or treated as inferior to the white population. Today, more academics are focusing on the cultural strengths of Black, Latine, and other racialized communities—a critical area which must continue to be studied to progress towards an equitable society.

“As much as it is important to focus on things related to racism and discrimination, I would say it is even more important to focus on positive aspects,” Christophe said. “That is a lot of what my other work does, looking at cultural pride and identity and how you instill that in kids and in families.”

Student Life

Battling the McGill cold 

by Brooke Barak on

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Have you noticed yourself sniffling or coughing more? Is the back of your throat starting to get that feeling? I hate to be the bearer of bad news, but you probably have the McGill cold. This bothersome illness can last from about five days to two months and can feel like a minor drag or the worst sickness you’ve ever experienced. With midterm season upon us, it’s more important than ever to develop your toolkit against this pesky winter inevitability. The Tribune has compiled four pro-tips to combat the notorious McGill cold.  

Get yourself a flu shot

The first and most important thing is to try to prevent the illness before it reaches you. Getting a flu shot at the beginning of the school year is an effective preventative measure to stave off influenza and strengthen your immune system. Although vaccinations may seem inaccessible, they’re more in reach than they may seem. Jean Coutu pharmacies offer free flu vaccinations by appointment, and there are a few right near McGill’s downtown campus! Getting vaccinated is easy and will do wonders to fend off the wretched McGill cold. 

Book a consultation with the McGill Student Wellness Hub

Want to talk to a medical professional? Call McGill’s Student Wellness Hub. They provide online or in-person consultations and can diagnose or prescribe you with the appropriate medication for whatever symptoms you’re facing. But be ready: Appointments fill up quickly. Set your alarm for 8:20 a.m., as the hub opens at 8:30 a.m. and your best chance at getting the earliest appointment is to be the first person on their line.  

Do not go out

Even if you already bought your Café Campus or New City Gas ticket, you should take the weekend off. This is easier said than done when you’ve already paid $25 CAD for an “early bird” cover charge, but pushing yourself to go out will only exacerbate your symptoms. Plus, being in a crowded environment like a club could allow the illness to spread, inevitably putting your fellow students and friends at risk. Instead, rest at home—binge the series you’ve been meaning to watch or catch up on some work you’ve been procrastinating; drink a cup of “throat coat” tea and go to bed early. A good night’s sleep will give your body more time to redirect its energy towards your immune system, strengthen it, and help you recover more quickly. Trust me, you’ll thank yourself in the morning. 

Indulge in nutritious comfort foods

When recovering from a cold, a steamy broth will be your best friend. Soothe your throat and your soul and get on Uber Eats to order some hot, comforting chicken noodle soup from Snowdon Deli. If anything is going to cure you, it’ll be the warm broth from one of Montreal’s most famous Jewish delis. Alternatively, some warm lentil soup will put your throat at ease, and its health benefits will strengthen your body for a speedier recovery. Remember to eat Vitamin-C-rich foods or take supplements.

Battling the McGill cold can be a long, hard fight. Whether it’s the infamous “Frosh Flu” or the feared finals season cold, the sickness will always find you. It’s crucial to take care of yourself to recover during this inevitable period. And remember, it is just as important to take preventative measures as it is to ask for help. Call on friends and family to help you through your battle against the multitude of winter illnesses! You shouldn’t have to fight a dreaded sickness alone. Follow these tips and hopefully your fight will be a little less wearing.  

News

Pro-Palestine student activists  face legal charges for occupying James Administration Building

by Josette Chandler on

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On June 7, 2024, 15 McGill students were arrested for occupying the third floor of the James Administration building in protest during the solidarity encampment for Palestine, and 13—referred to as the ‘Palestine 13’— continue to face criminal charges today, with legal fees amounting to $40,000 CAD. Students for Palestine’s Honour and Resistance (SPHR) at McGill, an advocacy group on campus that has organized multiple pro-Palestine demonstrations, is now campaigning to raise money for the Palestine 13’s ongoing legal battle. 

During the summer of 2024, over 100 McGill students participated in a solidarity encampment for Palestine, lasting from April 27 to July 10. The specific protest in question took place on June 6 outside the James Administration building, initially with approximately 50 students. 13 students entered the building, leading to their arrest for breaking and entering, and an additional two were arrested for obstruction of police work.  Shortly after, Service de police de la Ville de Montréal (SPVM) officers arrived at the scene in riot gear, employing tear gas and pepper spray to disperse the crowd. 

In a written response to The Tribune, a spokesperson from McGill’s Media Relations Office (MRO) stated that McGill did not and does not intend to infringe upon students’ right to protest, unless the given demonstration appears to be unsafe or negatively impacts the university’s learning environment.

“McGill is committed to upholding students’ rights to freedom of expression and peaceful assembly in the context of student activism,” the spokesperson wrote. “At the same time, both McGill and the [Students’ Society of McGill University] unequivocally condemn any acts of protest involving vandalism, violence, intimidation, or the obstruction of teaching, learning, research, and other core academic activities.”

Profs4Palestine, a collective of McGill professors in support of Palestine, disagrees with the actions taken by McGill and SPVM against the Palestine 13, who were protesting in support of defunding the genocide in Gaza. 

“All spaces are inherently political—campuses are no different from anywhere else in society. Those of us who work in universities largely believe in using campus spaces as places for open exchange, the debate of ideas, and locations for learning,” a representative from Profs4Palestine wrote to The Tribune. “A political space does not mean that people of a wide variety of views, positions, and politics cannot work together—the opposite in fact. It’s important that we do not try to claim a false neutrality for university campuses, it will not bring about the learning that needs to happen there.”

Across the United States and Canada, pro-Palestine protests have sparked hundreds of arrests. While public opinion generally supports students’ right to protest—a poll by the Angus Reid Institute found that 81 per cent of Canadians are ‘OK’  with student protests—police are still readily employed to stop these demonstrations. 

Francis Rose Zeitoun, a U3 student in the Faculty of Agricultural and Environmental Science involved with student group Mac Community For Collective Activism, stated in an interview with The Tribune that McGill’s response to protests on campus is against the spirit of the university and disrespectful to the student body as a whole.  

“Since getting to McGill a few years ago, I’ve seen the administration pick profit over people over and over again,” said Zeitoun. “Using our academic labour and tuition money to support things we have demanded and screamed for you to divest from is deplorable. McGill is not the administration, McGill is the students who’ve come and gone, the students who’ve worked hard to make campus a better place, the students who go forward in life with a McGill degree. To see the administration suing the students over what we want is enraging because they are not McGill, we are.”

Commentary, Opinion

The Olympics’ selectivity erodes neutrality

by Asher Kui on

More in Commentary:

Since 1924, nations have come together to celebrate athletic excellence every fourth winter. This year, the Olympic Winter Games in Milan and Cortina mark a century of such tradition, setting record viewership just one week in. Amid the exciting celebrations of record-breaking athleticism, competing Olympians can hardly escape the political turmoil that is unfolding alongside the Games. Sports are inherently intertwined with politics, and the Olympic Committee must enforce rules governing participation consistently. Penalizing athletes of certain nationalities because of their government’s politics, all the while ignoring other ongoing injustices, reflects an unsettling selectiveness that further perpetuates political divides, corroding the three values on which the Olympics were founded—excellence, respect, and friendship.

The International Olympic Committee (IOC) has banned 14 countries from competing in the past due to various political issues: South Africa had been repeatedly banned due to Apartheid, while Germany and Japan had been excluded for their involvement in the Second World War. Most recently, the IOC banned Russia and Belarus from the Winter Olympics due to their war crimes in Ukraine, which forced many athletes to compete as individual neutral athletes (INA).

The IOC framed such bans as moral obligations, but also as a consequence of Russia’s repeated violations of the Olympic Truce—a United Nations-backed policy that calls for ceasefires immediately before, during, and after the Olympic Games. However, frameworks like the Olympic Truce hardly ever compel substantive political change. For example, Apartheid in South Africa did not end solely because athletes were barred from competing—it ended after decades of civil disobedience and activism, including widespread pressure from economic boycotts and sanctions. While sporting bans may be symbolic to advancing world peace through their role in broader international pressure campaigns, their selective application cannot be justified as a tool for achieving justice.

What these bans do achieve, however, is reducing athletes to a monolithic identity. When athletes’ only option to compete is to strip themselves of any national symbol, their pride in representing their homeland and their culture is treated as complicity in their government’s actions.

Such tension is further exemplified by Ukrainian Skeleton Athlete Vladyslav Heraskevych’s “memory helmet” featuring portraits of athletes killed in the Russo-Ukraine War, which led the IOC to ban Heraskevych from competing. This act was deemed a violation of Rule 50 of the Olympic Charter, which aims to keep the sport podium neutral. But sports are political. Heraskevych did not introduce politics into the Olympics; he merely commemorated the many Ukrainian athletes whose lives were lost. The IOC cannot act as the inconsistent arbiter of geopolitical morality while claiming that its arenas are neutral.

Global actors and human rights organizations have condemned Israel’s genocide in Palestine. Iran’s brutal crackdown on protestors is likewise criticized. Even the United States’ military invasion of Venezuela has been denounced as a violation of international law. These conflicts and their impacts have persisted through multiple Olympic Games, yet none of these countries were barred from the Olympics, and none of their athletes have been forced to compete as INAs. When athletes cannot represent their nation through the craft they dedicate themselves to, the IOF directly undermines the Olympics’ founding principles of excellence, respect, and friendship, setting inconsistent and unfair rules by which athletes must play the Games.

Excellence should be measured by athletic merit, not nationality. Respect requires the acknowledgement that athletes are global citizens, not campaigns of their government’s complicity. Friendship calls for the cultivation of athletic connection even amid adverse political conditions. When some athletes’ identities are written off as an extension of their government’s actions while others’ are overlooked, some national identities become politically unfavourable while others are affirmed as diplomatically tolerable.

The Olympics’ immense visibility comes with great responsibility: If the IOC chooses to invoke morality as grounds for participatory bans, sanctioning countries that have committed international crimes, they must lay out transparent criteria and enforce them consistently, regardless of global negligence or diplomatic alliances. Otherwise, the IOC should acknowledge the limits of sporting sanctions. Sports are inevitably political, but sporting sanctions carry limited power outside of moral symbolism. Symbolism cannot uphold justice when applied selectively.

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