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2024 SSMU executive midterm reviews

The Tribune’s Editorial Board presents its midterm reviews of the Students’ Society of McGill University (SSMU) and Post-Graduate Students’ Society (PGSS) executives. Tribune editors researched and communicated with each executive before leading an Editorial Board discussion on the executives’ work and accomplishments. Editors with conflicts of interest abstained from discussing, writing, and editing relevant reviews.

SSMU President: Dymetri Taylor

So far, one of Taylor’s most significant projects has been working to draft a proposal for changes to the SSMU constitution with the goal of creating a better-functioning student union. SSMU’s relevant governance bodies must approve these changes and the constituency must vote on them before they are adopted. In proposing revisions to the constitution, Taylor hopes to improve SSMU’s governance structure such that it will better delegate responsibilities between the Board of Directors (BoD) and the Legislative Council. As it stands, all of the Legislative Council’s resolutions must be ratified by the BoD, which means that the latter has veto power. The Tribune encourages Taylor to use the proposed governance restructure as an opportunity to increase the power of student representation at SSMU in the Legislative Council. 

Another one of Taylor’s goals is to increase efficiencies in the work of executives. For instance, he is considering a proposal to merge the Vice-President (VP) Internal and VP Operations and Sustainability positions, which would reduce the money SSMU spends on salaries. Given that recent executives have expressed concern about the workload of the executive team, The Tribune urges Taylor to consider how these changes might serve to better support them, and not just cut costs. During his tenure, Taylor has worked to improve the internal regulations of SSMU elections and is negotiating a new management plan with McGill regarding the leasing of the University Centre

Student engagement has also been among Taylor’s top priorities for the semester, and he views events as a crucial way to reach the student body. Among Taylor’s accomplishments are hosting an interfaculty welcome dinner for faculty associations and helping to plan the upcoming Gatsby Gala for students. While his commitment to strengthening students’ relationship with SSMU is crucial, especially considering poor voter turnout in recent years, a meaningful engagement strategy demands more events and more than just events to reach all parts of the student population. 

SSMU VP Finance: Pauline Jolicoeur

When Pauline Jolicoeur assumed office at the end of the 2023-2024 academic year, SSMU had a budget deficit of over $726,000 CAD, and had just run two unsuccessful referendum questions for a SSMU base fee increase. Given these circumstances, her immediate priority was to reorganize SSMU’s finances to address the budget deficit. Jolicoeur told The Tribune that through a consolidated downsizing effort in May, removing subscriptions to several softwares, renegotiating contracts, and many smaller adjustments, the entirety of this year’s projected budget deficit of $426,000 CAD has been eliminated. The actual numbers and reports supporting these figures are not currently available to the public, although Jolicoeur mentioned that they would be made available in the next few weeks. Jolicoeur said she was proud to have eliminated the deficit, and to put SSMU on a more sustainable financial path moving forward. 

In the coming semester, she hopes to revive SSMU’s Finance Committee in order to conduct an in-depth review of SSMU’s reserve fund investments, as well as streamline the accounting paperwork by using a webform. She also discussed the possibility of creating bank accounts for student services, similar to the ones that student clubs currently have, and developing a more user-friendly budget template for clubs to use. Although SSMU’s request for a base increase failed to pass again this semester, Jolicoeur said that it should not threaten any of SSMU’s existing functionality, but would prevent SSMU from increasing the salaries of its employees represented by the SSMUnion, amid demands for increased pay in line with the current cost of living. While eliminating SSMU’s budget deficit is a crucial step, The Tribune urges more transparency around the financial breakdown and reports. Moving forward, more work will be necessary to balance SSMU’s functions with fair compensation for SSMU employees given the rejection of the fee increase.

SSMU VP Internal: Zeena Zahidah

Zahidah began her role as VP Internal with an idealistic vision. While she had strong goals for the position, she admitted she didn’t understand all the inner workings of the SSMU, and how much her position involves administrative work. Her priority was inclusive representation for francophone students, a mandate which is now held by the VP External Affairs portfolio but was under her purview during her campaign. Now, over half of her committee members are fluent in french, and she’s successfully implemented a form in the office to let staff choose their language of communication. She also hosted a francophone club night called Femme Fatale, and is planning other diversity-focused events at Club 212 for next semester. 

Another goal has been connecting first-year students to the wider McGill community—she’s started work on a “buddy system,” which has started slower than expected thanks to by-elections and midterms, and is planning a social event in January with the Students’ Society Programming Network (SSPN) and First-Year Council (FYC) for students who missed frosh. In collaboration with SSPN, she negotiated a deal with 212 to host events like the Great Gatsby Gala, 4Floors and Faculty Olympics while Gerts is closed for maintenance. Zahidah has also been working hard to support the full-time SSMU staff, campaigning for the base fee increase to support their salaries and benefits. Though the levy did not pass, she plans to continue advocating for SSMU full-time staff so they are supported and recognized for their work. Zahidah also wants to pass updates to the VP Internal mandate and set up better structural and financial support for the following VP Internal, so they can start next year in a better position.

SSMU VP External: Hugo-Victor Solomon

Solomon’s goals as VP External were focused on addressing pressing social justice issues at McGill and fostering stronger community ties. He prioritized addressing the militarization of McGill’s campus, aiming to ensure the administration upholds peaceful and educational values. A key initiative under his leadership was the organization of two critical walking tours in Milton Parc. These tours, led by students, faculty and organizers from the Quebec Public Interest Research Group at McGill (QPIRG) and the Milton Parc Citizens’ Committee, discussed issues like Indigenous rights, climate change divestment, as well as the removal of the James McGill statue. For Solomon, supporting Indigenous communities has also been central, including helping the Mohawk Mothers with travel expenses for their legal appeals in Ottawa. He is currently working on creating a permanent Indigenous art exhibit in the University Centre slated to open in February. 

Expanding the Community Solidarity Fund— though its implementation will be delayed due to an issue with Elections SSMU—was another key initiative, alongside his work supporting Francophone students. Solomon also collaborated with the Black Affairs Committee to develop a Black Solidarity Policy. Additionally, Solomon presented a policy to combat antisemitism, stressing the importance of distinguishing it from anti-Zionism. As the policy did not pass, The Tribune urges Solomon to continue pushing to implement a policy against antisemitism within SSMU. Looking ahead, Solomon remains committed to connecting McGill with the Milton Parc community and continuing his work on establishing a food bank, which he aims to launch in the coming semester.

SSMU VP University Affairs: Abe Berglas

Berglas entered their role as VP University Affairs with a strong focus on accessibility, governance transparency, and protecting protest rights. Thus far, they have done a commendable job. They aimed to address the lack of resources for disabled students, emphasizing the importance of student-led advocacy to avoid treating disabled individuals as a monolith. This goal evolved into a deeper collaboration with McGill, particularly on accessibility strategies, where they partnered with the equity team to gather and compile student feedback. Berglas also sought to make governance processes more accessible, filling all advisory board positions for the first time in years, despite challenges with training gaps and inactive boards. On academic advocacy, Abe revitalized SSMU’s Accessibility Committee, reinstating accessibility-focused training and events. They also updated resources for student rights, incorporating protest rights into workshops and expanding collaboration with student senators across faculties. 

Despite fostering fruitful dialogues, Berglas told The Tribune they have faced administrative barriers, such as uncooperative committee structures and logistical skepticism, which they have worked to address through formal complaints and demand letters citing legal obligations for student representation. Looking ahead, Berglas plans to audit McGill’s EDI and anti-Black racism plans for 2020 to 2025, advocating for a critical review of their progress. They aim to foster stronger ties between SSMU and faculty members and enhance record-keeping through senator reports and a public blog to ensure continuity. While balancing sustainability with flexibility, Berglas remains committed to advancing accessibility and equity while empowering students to engage with university decision-making processes. Berglas’ plan sounds realistic, well-structured, and impactful for McGill students—but they are also taking on a significant workload. The Tribune recommends delegating tasks to others when possible to ensure that all goals are met within their term. 

Arts & Entertainment, Film and TV, Internet

The Tribune presents: The Best/Worst of 2024

Best: Pop Culture

Moo Deng’s rise to fame

As Gossip Girl’s Serena van der Woodsen once said, “Lipstick lasts longer, but gloss is more fun,” and 2024’s “It Girl” is the glossiest girl around. Some may tell you that the title belongs to Taylor Swift or Sabrina Carpenter, but Moo Deng undoubtedly blows them all out of the water. With gorgeous glass skin and a relatable personality—who doesn’t love to scream sometimes?—this slippery pygmy hippo has captured the hearts of the internet. Originally presented to the public by Atthapon Nundee, her zookeeper, Moo Deng gained popularity when content creator Yammi Saracino translated the original content into English. With every video, Moo Deng has formed a positive little corner of the internet full of smiles and dopamine-spiking cuteness.  

Chappell Roan yells at paparazzi

Chappell Roan has had an incredible year, but her sudden rise to stardom has brought some challenges, particularly with paparazzi. A tense moment at the MTV Video Music Awards (VMAs) found her yelling “You shut the fuck up!” at an impatient photographer hounding her for another photo. Roan later told Rolling Stone that she suffers from social anxiety and that moments like those—with everyone screaming—are incredibly overwhelming. Her insistence on creating boundaries is particularly impactful as we’ve seen an influx of early-2000s stars over the past few years speak more openly about the toll that paparazzi culture has taken on their mental health. It’s exciting to see a new generation of pop stars set a better precedent for a healthier relationship with the media. 

Best: Film

Challengers (Luca Guadagnino)

To paraphrase Oscar Wilde, everything in the world is about sex except sex, which is about…tennis? Well, at least according to Challengers it is. Luca Guadagnino’s romantic drama starring Mike Faist, Josh O’Connor, and the one and only Zendaya follows tennis prodigy-turned-coach Tashi Duncan (Zendaya) who attempts to turn her once-promising tennis player husband, Art Donaldson (Faist), into a US Open Champion. To boost his confidence, Tashi signs him up for a low-level Challenger event competing against his former best friend and now rival—and Tashi’s ex-boyfriend—Patrick Zweig (O’Connor). Fueled by a propulsive club beat soundtrack from Trent Reznor and Atticus Ross, Challengers never drops the ball for a moment, keeping the energy up for the entirety of its 131–minute run time. 

La Chimera (Alice Rohrwacher)

Glistening shores, a breeze of ethereality, a vision of poetic tranquillity in the wake of unresolved loss. Alice Rohrwacher’s film La Chimera blends the surreal forces of a dominating nature with the harshness of 1980s rural Italian landscapes. Rohrwacher constructs a world of elegiac beauty within the narrative of Arthur (Josh O’Connor), an English archaeologist who finds himself entangled in the world of Tuscan tombaroli, a group of grave robbers who loot tombs for Etruscan artifacts. This ensemble of diverse characters, reminiscent of the tropes of the Italian comedic tradition commedia dell’arte makes viewers nostalgic for an environment many have never experienced. La Chimera feels like a dream of the past; it acknowledges the spirituality of preserving artistic landscapes and the immateriality of the past, and questions the corrupt nature of the Italian art market. With La Chimera, Rohrwacher cements herself as one of the most important, introspective voices in global contemporary cinema.

Best: Albums

brat by Charli XCX

The euphoric club beats of Charli XCX’s sixth studio album brat fueled this summer with all the messy-cool-girl energy we needed. An album which on the surface appears to be a simple series of pop, electronic, and club songs, is infused with lyrics about grief, generational trauma, and the anxieties of growing into adulthood. Expanding her project even further on the remix album, brat and it’s completely different but also still brat, Charli pushes the boundaries of how far you can remix a song before it is ultimately something different. Both albums are distinct, yet they work in harmony, seemingly talking to each other about Charli’s insecurity with her career trajectory and subsequent discomfort with her newfound mega-stardom.

Cowboy Carter by by Beyoncé

“They used to say I spoke, ‘Too Country’ / And the rejection came, said I wasn’t, ‘Country ‘nough,” Beyoncé chants powerfully on the first track, “American Requiem.” Second in her trilogy of genre-exploring concept albums, Beyoncé recalls her Texan roots in Cowboy Carter as an exploration of the intentional erasure of Black presence in the history of American country music. She explores the historical complexities of the country genre as a product of early African-American blues music, grappling with her place in the dialogue of contemporary popular music. A masterclass in sampling and vocal performance, Cowboy Carter is a monumental work that showcases Beyoncé’s skill in crafting musical worlds, proving the 2020s are the neo-renaissance of her career.

Worst: Pop Culture

Raygun at the Summer Olympics in Paris

On Nov. 6, infamous Olympic breakdancer Rachael Gunn, also known by the moniker Raygun, announced that she would no longer compete in professional breaking following the onset of criticism for her performance at the Paris Olympics—and it’s for the best. If she wants to call her comedic gesticulations a form of personal expression, then I will be holding space for her journey. But I don’t want to see it on the Olympic stage in competition with the impressive athleticism and fluid movement of her B-Girl peers. This summer marked breakdancing’s debut on the Olympic Stage, but Raygun’s televised contortions overshadowed the monumental occasion. The internet is attributing her with discrediting the nature of the sport, citing her as a reason for its non-inclusion in the 2028 Los Angeles Olympics. Though this has been falsified, her impact is clear: Raygun has made a mockery of and worsened the odds of breaking—which already has a lengthy, controversial history of its consideration as a sport—to circulate in the dominant culture of sports.

Worst: Film

Worst It Ends with Us (Justin Baldoni)

It, in fact, does not end with us; it simply needs to end. Flowers and candy may go together, but flowers and domestic violence (DV) do not. It Ends with Us shamelessly glosses over the significance of DV victims, failing to give it the consideration and attention that it warrants. This was the beginning of a long line of poor choices, ending with Blake Lively choosing to promote her haircare line alongside a film in which her hair looks as frayed as the patience of her fans. Beyond the plot’s lack of awareness, the production quality was equally disappointing, which perhaps should have been taken as a sign to end production. Blake Lively promoted the film with the phrase: “Grab your friends, wear your florals, and head out to see it!” Apparently, It ends with ignorance. 

Worst: Albums

143 (Katy Perry)

143 is such a flop that it’s barely notable enough to be infamous. The epitome of mediocrity, it wouldn’t even warrant mention if not for its tendency towards controversy. The empowerment she hoped to express with “Woman’s World” is immaterial in light of her collaboration with producer/songwriter Dr. Luke. Bringing someone Kesha sued for sexual assault to co-write a song about women’s empowerment is as is as tactless as the track is tuneless. Her intentions are muddy, expressing the desire to touch on significant topics and simultaneously just create something fun. The album screams of apathy, drowning out Perry’s vocals, and her half-hearted attempts at feminism resulted in an album of “meh.” 

Science & Technology

Nurturing culturally safe birth care for Indigenous communities

Indigenous communities, particularly First Nations, Inuit, and Métis women, face unique and significant challenges in accessing equitable healthcare during pregnancy and childbirth. Historical and ongoing disparities in healthcare access and quality, mistreatment and abuse of Indigenous people in colonial healthcare systems, lack of healthcare services in remote communities and northern Canada, and cultural disconnection all present barriers to Indigenous mothers getting vital and appropriate care before, during, and after pregnancy. 

New healthcare initiatives are emerging to address these inequities by promoting the importance of culturally safe care and Indigenous-led approaches.

Hilah Silver, a postdoctoral researcher in the Department of Family Medicine and a registered nurse at the McGill University Health Centre, is focusing on improving Indigenous maternal healthcare. Her work as a nurse places her at the forefront of patient care, where she often communicates with Indigenous mothers and their hospital liaisons. 

Currently, major issues Indigenous women face when accessing maternal healthcare include the lack of culturally appropriate care, geographical isolation, and the practice of maternal evacuation, where women are relocated to urban hospitals for childbirth. 

As part of a recent study intended to address these healthcare disparities, Hilah implemented four interventions designed with the active participation of Indigenous stakeholders. These measures reflect the principles of cultural safety and provide a model for improving healthcare outcomes for those who face inevitable maternal evacuation. 

Maternal evacuation is especially common for those who live in isolated communities, such as the Nunavik region, that do not have hospitals and professionals who can perform surgeries. This separation of women from their families and communities during such a critical and difficult time often results in isolation, trauma, and stress for both new mothers and their communities.

“When I spoke with the Indigenous participants for this research, it became very clear quickly that maternal care serviced in our hospitals often lacks consideration of how to work for Indigenous families, especially those who are forcibly relocated for their birth appointments,” Hilah said in an interview with The Tribune

Cultural safety goes beyond mere cultural awareness or sensitivity. It means creating an environment where Indigenous patients feel respected, valued, and understood. This requires acknowledging the cultural identities, histories, and practices of Indigenous peoples and weaving these elements into their care.

A comprehensive approach to improving maternal healthcare for Indigenous women involved a series of culturally informed interventions, each designed to address specific needs. One such initiative was an Indigenous-led cultural safety training program for nurses and hospital staff. Indigenous midwives created a training program that used online presentations and hands-on sessions to teach healthcare providers how to deliver respectful and culturally appropriate care. 

Additionally, hospitals adopted an expanded family visitor policy, allowing multiple family members to be present during childbirth. This policy change recognized the importance of familial support in reducing stress and fostering emotional connection for mothers during their hospital stay.

Other measures focused on creating a more welcoming and culturally resonant environment for Indigenous families. Hospitals ensured access to traditional foods, which provided a sense of comfort and familiarity, thereby enhancing well-being during their stay. 

Furthermore, the hospitals allowed the incorporation of perinatal traditions, such as sacred medicines and ceremonies, into the childbirth experience. These efforts collectively empowered mothers, honoured their traditions, and fostered a sense of dignity during a critical life event.

This study prioritized Indigenous voices by involving stakeholders in its design and implementation. Its participatory approach took into account the historical and sociopolitical realities that have shaped Indigenous healthcare experiences, ensuring that services were responsive to the specific needs and cultural contexts of the communities they serve.

“At first, I was worried that there would be limited participants for this study. But I think our clear goals of pursuing this research solely to enhance cultural appreciation and consideration in maternal care intrigued them to actively work with us,” Hilah said.

Given the challenges Indigenous women face in accessing healthcare, there is an urgent need to work collectively towards mitigating health inequities by engaging their perspectives in the development of healthcare interventions tailored to their specific needs.

Features

Shame must switch sides

How survivors are reclaiming power

Content warning: Mentions of rape, sexual assault, and violence.

Survivors of sexual assault and rape often have to grapple silently with feelings of shame. 72-year-old Gisèle Pelicot is flipping the script: Placing the shame on the perpetrators of sexual assault and rape.

In November 2020, Pelicot’s husband Dominique was found to be taking photos of women’s skirts at a supermarket in southeastern France. When police subsequently searched his laptop, they found that Dominique had taken over 20,000 videos and photos of his decade-long sexual abuse of his wife. For nearly 10 years, Dominique drugged his wife unconscious and invited dozens of men to rape her51 of the 83 men identified in Dominique’s videos—aged 26-74—are standing trial: firefighters, journalists, students, truck drivers, prison guards, nurses, retirees, and city councillors. These were men who were going home to their wives, tucking their kids into bed, typing at their work desk the next day, treating patients, and more, all after raping Pelicot.

Pelicot waived her legal right to anonymity in the trial, which prevents the media from identifying survivors of sexual abuse. She wants the world to know her name, and to expose the identities of those who assaulted her. Revolutionarily, she has allowed videos of the rapes to be made public, forcing the rapists to have their faces known for their crimes.

Katherine Zien, an associate professor dually appointed in the Department of English’s Drama & Theatre and Cultural Studies streams, spoke to why theatre’s live format might make it especially effective at engaging audiences with political and social issues. While reading a book, watching a movie, or looking at a painting whose content is political can certainly prompt reflection, it is far easier for the viewer to disengage with these forms of media if they have a dissenting opinion, feel discomfort, or even react with disinterest; all they have to do is put down the book, turn off the screen, or walk away from the artwork. By contrast, the tacit social contract of the theatre—the societal norm present in most traditional theatrical spaces that the audience sit quietly, watch the show, and only make noise when it’s finished—dissuades audience members from disengaging with a piece of theatre, even when it explores difficult subject matter.

“I’ve decided not to be ashamed. I’ve done nothing wrong [….] They are the ones who must be ashamed,” Pelicot told the court on Oct. 23.

Pelicot’s courageous decision stands against the guilt and shame that is generally propelled onto survivors of sexual assault and rape. Stigma and ongoing failings of the justice system for survivors of sexual abuse lead to drastic underreporting: Only six out of every 100 cases are reported to the police, but one in four North American women will be sexually assaulted during their lifetime.

80 per cent of assailants are friends and family of the victim, making a large portion of these cases a matter of intimate partner violence (IPV). 44 per cent of Canadian women who had ever been in an intimate partner relationship reported experiencing some kind of psychological, physical, or sexual abuse in the context of an intimate relationship in their lifetime.

Claudine Thibaudeau works as a social worker in clinical support and training atSOS violence conjugale, a non-profit Quebec organization that works to ensure the safety of survivors of IPV.

She explained to The Tribune that the goal of IPV for perpetrators is coercive control—using violent behaviours to gain power over the other in the relationship, taking away their partner’s ability to make their own choices. Thibaudeau argued that there is sexual violence in almost every instance of IPV. Sexual violence in relationships goes beyond isolated incidents of forced sexual intercourse, such as considering involvement in a relationship as a guarantee of consent, demanding a minimum number of instances of intercourse per week, and creating discomfort for the victim if they do not consent to sexual activity.

Thibaudeau also detailed psychological and emotional sexual violence, which includes denigrating the victim’s physical appearance, or otherwise ridiculing the victim sexually, using sexuality to control or degrade the victim, making sexual comments to humiliate the victim in front of others, comparing their sexual prowess to that of previous partners, or threatening to cheat. There’s also sexual gaslighting, which entails making the victim believe that they had previously consented to sexual activity when they had not.

“It can take a very wide array of behaviours. It’s not reported as much because it’s very intimate. A lot of [survivors] feel a lot of shame around sexual violence. It’s hard to talk about because it’s very private, but most victims of partner violence have been through one or the other or many of those [forms of IPV violence] in their relationship. So it’s a very big problem. It affects hundreds of thousands of women and youth in Quebec,” Thibaudeau said.

Thibaudeau explained that IPV can also include instances where a partner crosses a boundary and does not seek to repair the harm they caused.

“Let’s say someone crosses a boundary once—maybe because they weren’t paying enough attention to realize that the other person wasn’t enjoying what was going on. But the second they find out they should be working so hard to fix things, you know, crossing boundaries happens, but the second you’re made aware of it, you stop,” Thibaudeau said.

She also touched on the shame that many survivors of IPV face, often because they did not see the signs of violence earlier in their relationship.

“Violence can be so subtle. There’s no way that anybody can see the violence,” Thibaudeau said. “So victims often feel ashamed, because when they look back, they can see the violence when it started. They can see the subtle behaviour [….] It’s easier to see afterwards, but when you’re in it at the beginning, there’s no way anybody can see it.”

As a result of this shame, it can often be hard for survivors of IPV to leave their situation, or entirely stop seeing their romantic partner after IPV has occurred.

“Of course, leaving a situation and violence is very hard, because very often, when enough fog has been blown away, and you realize what you’re confronted with, and you see the violence,” Thibaudeau said. “The first reason [IPV survivors don’t leave is it] being dangerous. There’s always a potential for danger, and the moment of separation is the most dangerous.”

Furthermore, the effects of violence are reflected in the survivor’s self-confidence.

“[They’ve] been suffering from violence for months, maybe years. [They’re] exhausted. [Their] self-confidence is low. [They] might be confused about [their] rights, about the situation. [They] might have stress-related health issues. [They] may be scared. [….] It makes it even harder to imagine being able to deal with everything that leaving the violent partner means.”

IPV occurrences are even more frequent in spaces where victims and perpetrators experience violence in other areas of their lives. Orsola Torrisi, assistant professor of Social Demography in McGill’s Department of Sociology, researches demographic factors for conflict and violence, family dynamics, gender-based violence, intimate partner violence, and structural determinants in contexts of armed conflict. In her research on determinants of violence in places of active military conflict, she found that violence became normalized in all areas of life, including the domestic arena.

“Especially on the side of the perpetrator, violence becomes the main way in which people think about how they can resolve problems, especially when they are socialized at a very young age in violent settings,” Torrisi explained in an interview with //The Tribune//. “What I was finding especially in this context was that women that were exposed to violence, particularly between the ages of zero and 15 […] were way, way more likely to experience pretty much all types of abuse, but particularly [those considered] more actually visible forms of violence, that is sexual abuse and severe physical abuse from their partners.”

Torrisi also explained that men in military conflict zones justified beating a woman for a variety of reasons.

“In general, a lot of the research that really looks at violence against women, especially in the home in conflict settings, is related and sort of speaks to these more macro-phenomena that occur and that lead people, and particularly the perpetrators, to kind of acquire those attitudes that are much more masculine and much more prone to violence,” Torrisi explained.

IPV is not the only form of sexual violence that young girls and women face. For women like Lexi Good, sexual violence can occur outside the confines of a romantic relationship, leaving lasting impacts. Good shared how she navigated the mental health challenges that followed her assault, particularly in her interactions with men.

“I was diagnosed with PTSD [….] Anytime there was a man walking on the street, I would be convinced they were gonna kill me. I would completely cross the street anytime I saw a man coming my way. I couldn’t really have relationships,” she explained. “I would say I just wasn’t myself in general, and that was the bigger thing. So I was like, ‘Wait, I’m not just crazy. This is a situation that I’m having right now.’

Good also referred to the lack of control that survivors of sexual assault often feel. While she recalls having called friends and family during her assault to attempt to get out of the situation, she later realized that she did not have as much control over that situation as she thought she did.

“You don’t realize how much your life has changed after. This might sound crazy, but the actual experience itself was not nearly as hard as getting out of it or having issues with mental health,” Good said. “I think people want to feel like they’re in control. That’s why they say, ‘I could’ve done this better. I could’ve done that. But it’s my fault.’ Because if it’s your fault, then you have control. And not having control is actually more scary than being at fault.”

Good also remembers realizing that her healing process had begun to impact her closest friends and family. She felt that she wasn’t treating her friends justly, seeing that “people she loved were hurting by watching her hurt.” Especially after moving from the United States to Montreal for school and making all new friends, she wanted to be a responsible friend, who was kind and helpful to others. After a conversation with her then-roommate, she realized she wanted to actively work through her response to the experience, rather than have its issues resurface years later. She recalls talking to other women who had survived sexual assault and rape and realized that they had felt the same mental health pressures that she had.

“I started having a lot of bouts of mental issues that I didn’t know were related to that [experience],” she said. “Then I talked to other women who were just like, ‘Yeah and then I had this kind of manic-like episode.’ And I was like, ‘Wait, that exactly happened to me.’”

Good shared that eye movement desensitization and reprocessing (EMDR) therapy is what helps her continue to process and heal from her trauma. EMDR therapy involves moving one’s eyes in a certain way while recounting/reliving traumatic memories, allowing survivors to process the original event without the fight, flight, or freeze response being activated.

“It’s really great, because you can be like, ‘Oh, now I know it’s not my fault.’ Logically, I understand it’s not my fault, but now that I’m back in a reprocessing state, I can actually go back in time almost, and make that click better,” Good said.

Good encourages all survivors to speak up and reminds them that they are not alone. However, she recognizes that as women especially speak up, men will attempt to silence them.

“I think it’s good for some women to know they’re not alone, but be wary that as women get more of a voice, more men will attempt to say terrible things to shut them down. The strategy of someone commenting ‘She’s not even hot anyway’ […] is strategically meant to prevent women from speaking out about it,” she said. “Look on the bright side—men are saying these things because they know we’re getting ahead. They know they’re getting left behind. As they see women rise in society, they want to push us down because they’re afraid that we’re going forward. If men weren’t afraid of us, they wouldn’t be making comments like this.”

Following Pelicot’s and Good’s examples, more and more survivors are finding ways to free themselves from shame. Shame is an internalizing emotion—it can make us shrink inwards and hide away from the world. Survivors often feel vulnerable, and disappear to protect themselves from further violence. While all of these are valid responses, the actions of women like Pelicot and Good can work to alleviate some of the additional burden on survivors. Regaining a sense of control—through therapy, freedom from violence, and finding community—can lighten the load for survivors, and change the environment for all women around them. Every time a survivor shares their story, the world becomes a better place.

Shame must switch sides, leaving survivors free to heal and placing the blame squarely where it belongs: On the perpetrators.

McGill, Montreal, News

Protests erupt in response to NATO Parliamentary Assembly in Montreal

From Nov. 22-25, representatives from 32 Western countries met in Montreal to take part in the 70th Parliamentary Assembly of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). On the first day of the assembly, protestors made demands to dissolve NATO due to the alliance’s perceived complicity in the genocide in Gaza, and to reduce Canadian defence spending. On the evening of Nov. 22, protestors smashed shop windows on Rue St-Urbain and René-Lévesque Blvd,  and set cars on fire—actions which drew condemnation from Canadian politicians including Prime Minister Justin Trudeau and Montreal Mayor Valérie Plante. 

NATO is a defensive alliance initially formed in 1949 to provide collective defence against the Soviet Union. Today, the alliance is known for Article 5, which guarantees that an attack on one member country will trigger a response from all member countries.

The agenda for the assembly focused on providing support for Ukraine, which relies on NATO to slow the ongoing Russian invasion. Canada is also under pressure to increase its annual defence expenditure from 1.29 per cent of its GDP, to the NATO benchmark of 2 per cent.

Greg Baune is Vice President of Le Mouvement Québécois pour la Paix, an organization that opposes Canada’s membership in NATO, and was involved in organizing the Nov. 22 protests. He argues that NATO’s self-description as a defensive alliance is misleading.

“[NATO describes itself] as purely a defensive organization, and many people just buy it, hook, line, and tackle,” Baune told The Tribune. “In the end, the very existence of the organization allows its members to coordinate the help they give to whichever client state they wish to advance Western imperial interests in [….] We think that as working-class Canadian students, our first and primary task is to dedicate ourselves to fighting against our own imperialism.”

Sasha Robson,* U2 Arts, was starkly opposed to the NATO assembly being hosted in Montreal, as they believe that NATO is complicit in Israel’s siege on Palestine. They called for NATO countries who provide weapons to Israel to stop, and for the alliance to enforce an arms embargo on Israel to avoid the risk of being collectively responsible for a genocide.

“NATO is a cornerstone of imperial power worldwide that is responsible for endless death and killing, including in the ongoing genocide in Palestine and Lebanon,” Robson told The Tribune. “This set of wars is to perpetuate violence for the sake of perpetuating violence, for the sake of profit […] NATO has been responsible for colonial violence worldwide for decades, since its inception in places like Afghanistan and Libya.”

Robson also argued that Canada should not increase its defence expenditure to support Eastern European countries, but should rather reinvest tax revenues in social services domestically.

“I don’t think Canadian tax money should go anywhere other than Canada. Frankly, I don’t think [arming Ukraine] is a responsibility,” Robson told The Tribune. “While I can obviously say that Russian aggression […] is horrible, I don’t think the solution [is to be] found through funneling more money through the US government.” 

Lorenz Lüthi, Professor of History of International Relations at McGill, clarified that NATO is not directly involved in the conflict in Palestine. 

“NATO is not involved in the current war of the Israel government/military against the Palestinians in Gaza. Individual NATO countries provide weapons to the Israeli government, but not all—and some are quite critical about Israeli policies in the region,” Lüthi wrote.

However, Lüthi emphasized that the dissolution of NATO would have devastating effects on Eastern European nations facing Russian expansionism. 

“[The dissolution of NATO would] have a major impact on Eastern Europe, however. The Baltic States, Poland, and Romania have a long history of Tsarist Russian, Soviet, and post-Soviet Russian interference and domination,” Lüthi wrote to The Tribune. “Under Putin, this has become a major issue again.”

Mihails,* U2 Engineering, claims that Canada has a responsibility to protect Eastern European countries from Russian expansionism, and believes in the importance of the country’s continued involvement in NATO. 

“[Russia] wants to expand its influence towards Eastern Europe, and I think it would be an awful thing for some democratically elected governments to fall if NATO were to be disbanded,” Mihails told The Tribune. “I think [participation in NATO is] a very beneficial investment that we’re making in defending weaker countries and maintaining their stability.”

Despite mounting pressure, the US, Germany, and Italy—all NATO members—continue to provide arms to Israel, which are used against the Palestinian population. 

*Robson and Mihails’ names were changed to preserve their anonymity.

McGill, News, Recap

Recap: McGill student societies hold General Assemblies to strike in solidarity with Palestine

During the week of Nov. 18, several McGill student associations held General Assemblies (GAs) to vote on a motion to strike in solidarity with Palestine following a national call for action from Students for Justice in Palestine. Thhe McGill Students’ Geography Society (MUGS), Philosophy Students’ Association (PSA), and Anthropology Students’ Association (ASA) successfully passed the motion and picketed classes on Nov. 21 and 22.

In order to vote on the motion, each GA had to meet its quorum requirements. Tris*, a student organizer involved in the picketing explained to The Tribune that for some associations, meeting quorum was more challenging than for others. 

“The strike votes were conducted democratically through general assemblies, reflecting the collective voice of students rather than decisions made solely by committee executives,” Tris said. “Quorum requirements varied by department: For example, Anthropology required only a majority vote, while MUGS, MESS [McGill Environment Students’ Society], and [PSA] required 25 per cent, 50 per cent, and 10 per cent, respectively.”

Student associations that could not meet their quorum were unable to formally participate in the strike, although some student association executives still urged general members to strike regardless of the outcome.

In an email to The Tribune, the McGill Media Relations Office (MRO) explained its rationale for not cancelling classes during the strike.

“Though we respect the right of students to express their views, we saw no basis to cancel classes [on Nov. 21 and 22]. In fact, the vast majority of students attended class that day,” the MRO wrote to The Tribune. “McGill will always support the right to free expression and peaceful assembly within the boundaries set by policies and legislation. However, the University’s primary responsibility is to deliver on its academic mission.”

Throughout the week, organizers held teach-ins and visited various GAs to talk to general members about students’ right to strike. 

“Students worldwide heeded the call, and it took Quebec’s colleges and universities by force,” Tris commented. “At McGill, the focus was on making the strike approachable for students unfamiliar with such actions, aiming to create manageable, targeted efforts.”

*Tris’s name was changed to preserve their identity.

Editorial, Opinion

The Tribune’s SSMU by-election endorsements

The Tribune’s editorial board presents its endorsements of the candidates for the Fall 2024 Students’ Society of McGill University (SSMU) by-election for the Vice-President (VP) Student Life and VP Sustainability and Operations positions. Editors researched and communicated with each candidate before leading an editorial board discussion on the candidate’s qualifications and vision for their prospective role. Editors with conflicts of interest abstained from discussing, writing, and editing relevant reviews.

VP Student Life

Justice Bongiovanni

Bongiovanni, who worked in student government at his Cégep, plans to bolster student food security initiatives on campus. His campaign has included goals to re-open student-run cafes (namely, Gerts), employ students on campus, support student-run food cooperatives, fund affordable courses for students to gain practical skills, and make dietary-restricted and culturally appropriate food more readily available on campus. Bongiovanni has also run his campaign on the goal of investing $10,000 CAD to address food insecurity at McGill. While lacking experience working within SSMU or its clubs and services, Bongiovanni consulted various student groups to form his campaign. Bongiovanni told The Tribune that he believes that students are frustrated with SSMU, but that through collaboration with the other executives, he can ensure that student fees are reflected in their experiences on campus. 

Alice Postovskiy

As the administrative coordinator for the Union for Gender Empowerment (UGE) and treasurer for the Mafia Club, Postovskiy has spent multiple years working within SSMU clubs and services. Her campaign centres on objectives to streamline club finances, ensure timely operations so that services can run smoothly, recognize the autonomy of clubs and services, facilitate collaboration between student groups, and simplify regulatory processes to eliminate what she sees as unnecessary administrative work. Postovskiy has also claimed she will work to protect student groups from “overreach by administration.” She told The Tribune that if elected, she plans to recognize the community that student groups foster and the power they hold as well as increase communication between groups and herself to ensure that student groups are appropriately advocated for at the executive level. Postovskiy believes that SSMU ought to competently provide essential administrative work while also granting student groups more autonomy. She emphasized that clubs and services often know what is best for their communities, citing the fact that many services tend to have stronger institutional memory than SSMU due to less frequent staff and volunteer turnover.

Endorsement: Yes to Alice Postovskiy

With years of experience working with clubs, services, and SSMU, Postovskiy would bring a grounded understanding of the responsibilities of the role of VP Student Life and the unique needs of student groups. Postovskiy demonstrates a clear desire to enhance the working relationship between SSMU and its student groups—something The Tribune believes is necessary in order to realize a well-functioning student union. The Tribune also supports Postovskiy’s vision to bolster student group autonomy as opposed to strict top-down management as student groups are the lifeblood of SSMU. While The Tribune applauds Bongiovanni’s commitment to food security initiatives, Postovskiy’s platform provides clear and actionable goals, plus a broader vision that is directly in line with the portfolio of VP Student Life. 

Vp Sustainability and Operations

Kareem El Hosini

El Hosini’s platform is based on efficiency, transparency, and enrichment. He believes that SSMU should maximize the value provided to students with the resources at hand, quickly and correctly. El Hosini believes that transparency is key, as students have the right to know the important decisions being made by SSMU. This will work in two ways: First, by letting the students be heard before making decisions through the implementation of a feedback system; second, by putting out regular messages with information pertinent to the students. “We hear you, you hear us,” he says. El Hosini plans to begin by working with student services that already receive funding to assist in directing their resources more efficiently, as well as partnering with local businesses. He aims to close the gap between students and the administration, ensuring that students are not only heard but are also empowered to communicate directly with McGill without relying on intermediaries. He believes that “having direct access to those whose job is to serve students is a right, not a privilege.” His message is: Vote Kareem, free Palestine.

Arya Cheuk

Cheuk’s platform is based on simplicity, community, and sustainability. She wants to address students’ concerns about the gravity of the climate crisis, as well as the guilt they may feel for their lack of use of climate-conscious alternatives. Cheuk has experience being the McGill Undergraduate Geography Society (MUGS) Sustainability Officer, through monthly roundtable meetings for the Science Undergraduate Society and as a member in large of the Environmental Committee of SSMU. She will work toward transparency for students by being aware of the inventory of services available on campus and keeping up to date with SSMU environmental social media. One of her main initiatives is increasing compost accessibility at McGill, through installing independent student waste collective bins in collaboration with building directors and increasing labelling of composting sites on campus. When it comes to student calls for Palestinian mobilization, she believes individual executives may hold certain biases and SSMU needs to ensure that they are adequately representing their faculties, and thus recommends holding General Assemblies instead. 

Endorsement: Yes to Kareem El Hosini

El Hosini’s years of experience working at McGill’s clubs would prepare him to facilitate transparency, administration, and communication with students. He plans to be a representative voice of the student body, heeding their calls for pro-Palestinian solidarity. The Tribune commends his planned initiatives toward quick and efficient solutions to increasing communication and collaboration with students. El Hosini recognizes the impact a representative student executive team has on the student body, and plans to approach this position as a privilege. The Tribune encourages El Hosini to ensure that he is able to make the time commitment to the position, given his vast involvement in other student groups at McGill. 

Commentary, Opinion

Grindr is not about sex

Throughout much of the latter half of the 20th century, queer and transgender folks fought hard and brave to guarantee their basic human rights. From the Stonewall Uprising to the AIDS epidemic, 2SLGBTQIA+ people were united by a common goal. Furthermore, because homosexuality was so condemned at the time, queer communities gathered in particular parts of town in which they were accepted: The East Village in NYC, the Castro District in San Francisco, or even our own Gay Village here in Montreal. These used to be places in which queer dating took place—and for some people, it still does—but Gen Z rarely frequents these places now. 

More and more, 2SLGBTQIA+ youth do not need to rely on these places to be their authentic self. Evidently, this is a good thing; yet, it also comes at a high cost. Given that younger queer people do not frequent these spaces anymore, they resort to the digital world to meet other queer people and date. For better or worse, dating apps are the easiest way of meeting potential romantic partners in the 21st century. However, while for straight people these are more of a choice, many LGBTQ folks, particularly gay men, use them out of necessity to meet other queer people. It is due to the lack of vibrant queer spaces in the real world that queer people resort to dating apps, some of which can have detrimental effects on mental and physical health.

The use of dating apps such as Grindr severely impacts users’ mental health, because it’s designed to feed upon gay men’s insecurities and vulnerabilities. Grindr is a dating app that caters primarily to cisgender gay men and is centred around hookup culture. Since it is not particularly easy to meet other gay guys in real life, Gen Z gay men often feel lonely and alienated from their community. Grindr promises a quick, 21st-century solution to this problem. It makes finding sex and potential romantic partners incredibly easy, just like gay clubs back in their heyday. However, unlike gay bars, apps like Grindr have the potential to become severely addictive. This is because such apps pair neutral, quick actions in the brain, such as simply scrolling on the app, with pleasurable reactions such as sexual gratification, which in turn teach the human brain to repeat those actions consistently.

However, what I think most gay men on Grindr are really seeking is not purely sex, but connection and community. The app offers an escape from the isolation that many gay men might experience. Men log into the app with the intention of finding a connection, and while they often do find a match, that pleasure is short-lived and ephemeral. It is a mere illusion, because most of the interactions in such apps are one-night stands, in which no meaningful connection develops, leaving men more anxious and lonely than before. Nonetheless, it seems they remain on these apps because finding gay men in the real world proves extremely difficult

This problem has no easy solution. Gay clubs and bars are still highly sexualized spaces, and it is difficult to make them attractive to younger generations. However, a step in the right direction would entail investing in such communities to foster a sense of queer belonging. Montreal’s gay village has visibly decayed in the past few years. This place decades ago was a beam of hope for the 2SLGBTQIA+ community; now, it is a shadow. Rebuilding it will not fix the problem of dating apps,  but it can at least empower queer individuals by providing them with the option to meet other gay people in real life, giving them more choice in how they connect with others.

Commentary, Opinion

Could pedestrianizing Rue Sainte-Catherine ease our seasonal blues?

A last-minute battery replacement for your beloved laptop that’s well past its prime. A new top for a first date when you have nothing to wear. A warm pair of gloves because, yes, Montreal really is as cold as your mom warned it would be. A trip to the Eaton Centre’s Time Out Market when dining hall food just isn’t cutting it. Rue Sainte-Catherine has it all. 

McGill students and Montrealers alike faithfully flock to Sainte-Catherine’s urban thoroughfare in astounding numbers: Half a million pedestrians are estimated to walk the street every day. Its unique popularity lies in the fact that—beyond the usual shopping outlets, cultural centres, and public squares—Sainte-Catherine takes on a unique form during the summer, one that it should arguably occupy all year round. 

Transforming into a pedestrian-only street between the months of May and October, Rue Sainte-Catherine is home to a high volume of festivals and cultural activities, including the Montreal Pride Parade, the annual Rue Sainte-Catherine Sidewalk Sale, and the Montreal International Jazz Festival. On a more basic level, the pedestrianized street is also opened to street-vending by local retailers, used by businesses to expand outdoor seating arrangements, and even made available for temporary art installations.

Rue Sainte-Catherine is not alone in this practice of seasonal pedestrianization. In fact, Montreal has been strategically pedestrianizing its streets for years post-pandemic, with many significant thoroughfares like Mont-Royal Avenue ceasing to admit car traffic during the summer and fall months. Clearly, the city’s Urban Planning and Development department is gradually adopting a broader practice of pro-pedestrian modifications to the city’s landscape.

However, the opportunity for increased community activity and walkability is not convincing enough for every Montrealer to embrace year-long car-free legislation. Business owners and residents alike have expressed concerns about the full-time pedestrianization project. They fear that economic activity will be slowed and general aesthetics hindered without deliveries and trash collection services being taken on by vehicles. Montreal residents have also theorized that converting Rue Sainte-Catherine to pedestrian-only will force congestion out to neighbouring streets.

These concerns—while completely understandable—overlook the proven benefits of the pedestrianization policy. Such a car-free policy would not occur in isolation; pedestrianization legislation is coupled with improvements in public transportation and developments in pedestrian and bike infrastructure. The vacuum created by a lack of cars on Rue Sainte-Catherine would thus be quickly filled, presenting a transformative opportunity for the city to turn what was once a street into a vibrant urban zone.

With the street no longer being plagued by vehicular air pollution, the sound of irritable honks from drivers, and a general inefficiency in space usage, Sainte-Catherine could become home to a green community space. Such a shift in the street’s presentation bears additional relevance when considering that, once a street becomes increasingly designed around the well-being of its pedestrians, foot traffic has been shown to increase

When pedestrian presence increases, it’s not just the vibe of the city that’s bolstered; local economies are too. For example, when Toronto’s Public Works and Infrastructure Committee implemented a 2016 resolution to replace on-street parking with bike lanes on the major thoroughfare Bloor Street, both monthly spending by customers and the number of customers themselves increased. The alleged decline in consumer activity that has been causing anxiety among Sainte-Catherine merchants is, truly, a myth, and the data shows this. Business—particularly restaurant—owners tend to overrepresent the significance of cars to economic activity due to the dominance of services like Uber Eats and GrubHub. In reality, the real spenders are the pedestrians walking by and peering into storefronts.

The pedestrianization of Rue Sainte-Catherine is a crucial step towards promoting Montreal’s cultural life, improving the city’s environmental health and boosting small business finances. While disruption to the car-oriented status quo may be intimidating for long-time residents, this change is necessary to set an urban landscape standard for generations to come.

Besides, Rue Sainte-Catherine is perpetually under construction anyway. Montrealers might be more used to the idea of a car-free future than they realize.

Soccer, Sports

Glaring double standards as Israel continues Nations League campaign

Israel’s participation in major sporting events, like the Union of European Football Associations (UEFA) Nations League soccer tournament or the Olympic Games, has raised controversy among fans and activists alike. The double standard of sports governing bodies allowing Israel to compete has been particularly noticeable in the wake of FIFA and UEFA extending Russia’s international soccer suspension on Nov. 18. Russia was originally suspended just four days after its invasion of Ukraine in 2022 for violating international law. However, Israel continues to participate in the UEFA Nations League, despite ongoing violations of international law through its continuous human rights abuses in Palestine

FIFA justifies its ban against Russia as part of its human rights policy, where it claims to stand by its commitment to take any measures necessary to avoid contributing to human rights abuses. FIFA banned South Africa from the World Cup from 1961 to 1992 because of the oppressive apartheid regime. Yet, this standard does not seem to apply to Israel. Article 76 (3) of FIFA’s statutes states that “member associations and their clubs may not play on the territory of another member association without the latter’s approval.” Despite this, the Israel Football Association (IFA) has at least eight clubs that play on occupied Palestinian territory in the West Bank. 

FIFA has been aware of this breach since 2013, but Israel has faced no repercussions. The Palestinian national football team, on the other hand, faces a deteriorating security situation as a result of Israel’s occupation. Israeli forces have killed around 350 professional Palestinian athletes since Oct. 7, 2023, and Israel’s bombing campaigns have destroyed almost all the sporting facilities available in Gaza and the West Bank. The Human Rights Watch and the Palestinian Football Association argue that, by allowing Israel to compete, FIFA and UEFA are supporting and legitimizing the occupation. 

While not a European country, Israel has been a part of UEFA since 1994. Originally, the IFA was a founding member of the Asian Football Confederation (AFC) in 1954. However, some AFC members, such as Kuwait and all of the Arab League nations, boycotted matches against Israel due to the occupation and treatment of Palestinians. Eventually, the AFC expelled Israel in a motion led by Kuwait in 1974. UEFA invited Israel to participate in European competitions starting in 1992 and permanently accepted it in 1994, despite Israel’s geographic location.

There was similar controversy over Israel’s ability to participate in the Paris Olympic Games this summer, while Russian athletes had to compete as Individual Neutral Athletes (AIN). At least 30 of the 88 Israeli Olympians publicly supported Israel’s actions. Palestine’s Olympic Committee called this out, pointing to the contradictory attitude the athletics community appears to have toward the treatment of Russian and Israeli athletes

During the opening ceremonies, spectators booed the Israeli national anthem, but France maintained its commitment to protecting Israeli athletes. Russia, on the other hand, was banned on the grounds of violating the ancient Greek tradition of Olympic Truce. Palestine’s Olympic Committee accused Israel of violating that same truce by continuing its violence in Gaza. Some athletes also disagreed with Israel’s presence, such as Tajikistan’s judoka Nurali Emomali, who refused to shake hands with his Israeli opponent.  

In July 2024, the International Court of Justice (ICJ) found Israel guilty of a long list of human rights abuses and violations of international law. The ICJ deemed the Israeli occupation illegal and set out the standards of reparations that Israeli authorities owed Palestinian civilians. Similarly, on Nov. 21, 2024, the International Criminal Court issued a warrant for the arrest of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu for the war crimes Israel has committed since Oct. 7, 2023. The warrant also included Israel’s Defence Minister, Yoav Gallant and a senior Hamas official, Mohammed Deif (although Israel states he was killed in a targeted July airstrike).

How can Israel, a country convicted of so many violations of international law, human rights, and sporting regulations still be allowed to compete? FIFA and UEFA seem to apply scrutiny over human rights selectively. As people continue to demonstrate against Israel’s participation, it seems unlikely that the country will face any restrictions on its ability to compete in the future. If FIFA and UEFA want to promote unity, diplomacy, and peace through sport, they must apply pressure to all countries committing human rights violations.    

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