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Research Briefs, Science & Technology

Available but not accessible: Clinicians highlight gaps in mental health service delivery

by Michelle Yankovsky on

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Conversations surrounding mental health (MH) have increased dramatically in recent years, with many institutions promoting wellness and expanding volumes of resources. However, the presence of services alone does not guarantee accessibility, particularly for immigrants, refugees, and socioculturally diverse communities, who often face barriers due to language, financial constraints, and increasing wait times. Many domains across Canada claim to value equity, diversity, and inclusion (EDI); why are certain communities continuously excluded?

This question led Tasmia Hai, associate researcher at the Douglas Research Centre and principal investigator of the Cognition, Attention & Achievement Research (CAAR) lab, to examine clinicians’ perspectives on MH service delivery. Hai’s recent study, published in BMC Health Services Research, interviewed 19 MH clinicians to gain their perspectives on the barriers to access of diverse populations. Her desire to pursue this research stems from both personal experience and an intention to better capture the current MH service landscape.

“Since 2020, there’s been a lot of push for EDI initiatives, and I wanted to get a sense from clinicians specifically working with individuals from diverse sociocultural backgrounds,” Hai said in an interview with The Tribune. “I myself am a first-generation immigrant to Canada, so I really wanted to see what the current circumstances were and which barriers [clinicians] were identifying.”

Other studies typically focus on patients’ experiences when navigating MH systems; Hai aimed to address this research gap by shifting the focus toward MH providers.

“As a clinician myself, I wanted to get a sense of what their experiences are when it comes to the challenges they are finding at work, because at the end of the day, clinicians are the frontline staff [providing the services].”

Clinicians identified logistical challenges—long wait times, high costs, and limited access to multilingual services—as common barriers to MH care.

“MH services are not generally free, so you would have to have access to external insurances [to cover costs]. However, the organizations providing services for reduced costs often have limitations, such as only allowing 10 sessions, which clinicians expressed [might not be sufficient for adequate care],” Hai explained. “Sometimes a family could only come to the clinic in the evening, but the clinician has to work their general nine to five, and so they don’t have the flexibility to move their schedule around because it’s not [permitted].”

The MH providers also identified social obstacles—stigma, mistrust, and cultural mismatch—that perpetuate barriers for diverse populations when accessing MH services.

“Many [clinicians] mentioned system-level changes to support individuals from diverse backgrounds,” Hai said. “It often felt tokenistic, like ‘Here is an EDI training that you can do,’ whereas if staff were more able to take time from their day to get those trainings and integrate them throughout their daily work, [social barriers could be better addressed].”

Hai highlighted that most of the clinicians in the study were from diverse backgrounds themselves, which may have contributed to their view of EDI as central to their work.

“There’s something about having that lived experience that I think often does not get captured in traditional Western medicine’s [curriculum],” Hai said.


Hai also emphasized the importance of early student involvement in their education so that, as future clinicians, they can develop the skills to foster equitable environments for diverse patients.

“With McGill being such a diverse institution with so many individuals from across the world, I think we should encourage students to think about some of the impacts of MH barriers to advocate for themselves and others in their future,” Hai said.

Hai emphasized the importance of addressing MH concerns proactively, noting that preventative measures are crucial to maintaining well-being.

“Things like high stress can lead to high blood pressure, which can lead to other cardiovascular diseases or diabetes,” Hai said. “We often don’t think about MH being associated with these things, but if we don’t address these challenges early on, it can cause [poor outcomes].”

Overall, Hai’s findings show that improving MH service access is not solely about expanding services but about transforming the systems that govern them through structural reform. While institutions may promote EDI on the surface, translating those missions into meaningful change for our diverse population remains a work in progress.

McGill, News

AUS voting opens as candidates debate student governance and VP duties

by Asher Kui on

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The McGill Arts Undergraduate Society (AUS) elections for the 2026-2027 Executive Committee opened its voting period on Feb. 19 at 9:00 a.m. On Feb. 17, the AUS hosted a debate for candidates, allowing McGill students to pose questions to those running. Chief Elections Officer Cyprien Figuière began the event with a land acknowledgement, followed by Chief Elections Officer Lauren Irving who explained the debate rules.

Presidential candidate Keith Baybayon delivered his opening statement first, where he emphasized his priority of encouraging student democracy.

“[From] the low governance participation to now, where we have over 20 candidates standing before me [….]  I’m not starting from scratch because so much work has been done the past few years, and I’m here to continue building upon it,” Baybayon said. “Ensuring that the internal structures we have are strong enough to withstand any crises, strategizing our advocacy to ensure that the policies reach the right decision-making people and leadership administration [….] You deserve an AUS that works for you.”

Rishi Kalaga, the next presidential candidate, highlighted his mission to increase job security of AUS members and to improve the social life of McGill students.

“You can have your research projects funded and opportunities that are on and off campus that are supported by the AUS,” Kalaga said. “We’re going to partner with the Arts Internship Office and strengthen that relationship that we already have.”

Bogdan Sava, the third presidential candidate, reiterated his commitment to serving different departments in the Faculty of Arts by revisiting the allocation of student funds. Sava emphasized the importance of coordination between the AUS and the different faculties—promising monthly roundtables that would allow discussion and collective decision-making. Incumbent AUS President Aishwarya Rajan then posed questions regarding the balance of student fees, administration, and presidential duties to the three candidates. 

Kalaga mentioned that he would lower the fees of drinks at the student bar, Bar des Arts (BdA)—which was then questioned by AUS Vice-President (VP) Finance Ben Weissman.

“We get a contract from Sleeman that is the lowest that we could possibly get. How would you balance bringing the prices down without diluting the deficit?” Weissman asked.

Kalaga responded by saying the AUS may subsidize drink prices by redirecting the Arts Undergraduate Improvement Fund.

“I don’t think it necessarily would lead us into a deficit,” Kagala said. “The turnover year to year that sometimes happens in these funds isn’t really necessary, because people’s priorities have been clear.”

Sava ended the presidential candidacy round by thanking the participants for their attendance.

“I want to end by thanking you all, and as Keith mentioned, congratulating you for taking this moment here to give life to student democracy,” Sava said.

The VP Internal round came next, where the two candidates—Jane-Andrea Kwa Mbette and Gillian Vetters—debated the need to increase accessibility to faculty voices and collaboration with academic departments. 

Nicholas Coffin and Lucy Crowther, the two candidates running for VP Academic, then discussed the need for more student voices in the McGill administration’s decision-making. Crowther specifically mentioned her commitment to more student initiatives, such as expanding social media outreach and creating study groups with teaching assistants to increase academic transparency.

Ines Wolff, David Luzzatto, and Pearce-Tai Thomasson were the sole candidates running for VP Social, VP Finance, and VP Communications, respectively. Wolff explained that she would like to include more sober events during Frosh, as well as BdA drinks for people with celiac disease. Luzzatto emphasized that his priority, if elected, will be giving students more access to the money that they pay to McGill and the AUS.

“We keep paying money every year, and it’s not going back to students directly, or at least not enough,” Luzzatto said. “Looking at how large expenses, for example, auditing or other insurance lawyers [and] making sure that this is still the best option on the market […] is the best use of student money, because at the end of the day, that’s our job, to ensure that the money that the students trust and get to AUS is used in the best possible way.”

Janya Rajpal and Leonard Cox, the two candidates running for VP External, both discussed the student life after graduation from McGill. Rajpal explained AUS’s duty to help students explore paths beyond undergraduate studies, while Cox highlighted the need for transparency of career and graduation fairs.

The candidates running to be senators and representatives for the Students’ Society of McGill University (SSMU) had their debates next. There are six senator candidates: Rajan Duncan, Mateo Juan, Alexia Juillard, Ellen Kim, Frances Li, and Cindy Zhang. Four candidates are running for Arts representative: Achille Croquelois, Rhys Jones, Charley Letham, and Matias Rodriguez.

The campaigning period opened simultaneously with the voting period on Feb. 19, during which candidates could create social media accounts and present their platforms.

Duncan’s campaign includes revising the Policy on Assessment of Student Learning (PASL) and improving access to lecture recordings. Juan’s emphasizes transparency and accountability, while Kim’s aims to represent minority voices in the McGill Senate. Li promised to implement a textbook subsidy program and a free breakfast program in an effort to tackle food insecurity. 

Among the four candidates running to be SSMU Arts representatives, Croquelois assured greater accountability through more accessible office hours with student governors, while Jones will prioritize funding for clubs and services. 

The voting period will end on Feb. 26 at 5:00 p.m., and election results will be announced at 6:00 p.m. the same day. Students may cast their vote through a link sent to student emails from Elections AUS.

Commentary, Opinion

The Olympics’ selectivity erodes neutrality

by Asher Kui on

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Since 1924, nations have come together to celebrate athletic excellence every fourth winter. This year, the Olympic Winter Games in Milan and Cortina mark a century of such tradition, setting record viewership just one week in. Amid the exciting celebrations of record-breaking athleticism, competing Olympians can hardly escape the political turmoil that is unfolding alongside the Games. Sports are inherently intertwined with politics, and the Olympic Committee must enforce rules governing participation consistently. Penalizing athletes of certain nationalities because of their government’s politics, all the while ignoring other ongoing injustices, reflects an unsettling selectiveness that further perpetuates political divides, corroding the three values on which the Olympics were founded—excellence, respect, and friendship.

The International Olympic Committee (IOC) has banned 14 countries from competing in the past due to various political issues: South Africa had been repeatedly banned due to Apartheid, while Germany and Japan had been excluded for their involvement in the Second World War. Most recently, the IOC banned Russia and Belarus from the Winter Olympics due to their war crimes in Ukraine, which forced many athletes to compete as individual neutral athletes (INA).

The IOC framed such bans as moral obligations, but also as a consequence of Russia’s repeated violations of the Olympic Truce—a United Nations-backed policy that calls for ceasefires immediately before, during, and after the Olympic Games. However, frameworks like the Olympic Truce hardly ever compel substantive political change. For example, Apartheid in South Africa did not end solely because athletes were barred from competing—it ended after decades of civil disobedience and activism, including widespread pressure from economic boycotts and sanctions. While sporting bans may be symbolic to advancing world peace through their role in broader international pressure campaigns, their selective application cannot be justified as a tool for achieving justice.

What these bans do achieve, however, is reducing athletes to a monolithic identity. When athletes’ only option to compete is to strip themselves of any national symbol, their pride in representing their homeland and their culture is treated as complicity in their government’s actions.

Such tension is further exemplified by Ukrainian Skeleton Athlete Vladyslav Heraskevych’s “memory helmet” featuring portraits of athletes killed in the Russo-Ukraine War, which led the IOC to ban Heraskevych from competing. This act was deemed a violation of Rule 50 of the Olympic Charter, which aims to keep the sport podium neutral. But sports are political. Heraskevych did not introduce politics into the Olympics; he merely commemorated the many Ukrainian athletes whose lives were lost. The IOC cannot act as the inconsistent arbiter of geopolitical morality while claiming that its arenas are neutral.

Global actors and human rights organizations have condemned Israel’s genocide in Palestine. Iran’s brutal crackdown on protestors is likewise criticized. Even the United States’ military invasion of Venezuela has been denounced as a violation of international law. These conflicts and their impacts have persisted through multiple Olympic Games, yet none of these countries were barred from the Olympics, and none of their athletes have been forced to compete as INAs. When athletes cannot represent their nation through the craft they dedicate themselves to, the IOF directly undermines the Olympics’ founding principles of excellence, respect, and friendship, setting inconsistent and unfair rules by which athletes must play the Games.

Excellence should be measured by athletic merit, not nationality. Respect requires the acknowledgement that athletes are global citizens, not campaigns of their government’s complicity. Friendship calls for the cultivation of athletic connection even amid adverse political conditions. When some athletes’ identities are written off as an extension of their government’s actions while others’ are overlooked, some national identities become politically unfavourable while others are affirmed as diplomatically tolerable.

The Olympics’ immense visibility comes with great responsibility: If the IOC chooses to invoke morality as grounds for participatory bans, sanctioning countries that have committed international crimes, they must lay out transparent criteria and enforce them consistently, regardless of global negligence or diplomatic alliances. Otherwise, the IOC should acknowledge the limits of sporting sanctions. Sports are inevitably political, but sporting sanctions carry limited power outside of moral symbolism. Symbolism cannot uphold justice when applied selectively.

Research Briefs, Science & Technology

Parenting Black and Latine children in an era of heightened racism

by Antoine Larocque on

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In a political context marked by U.S. President Donald Trump’s inflammatory rhetoric vilifying people of colour, the rise of white supremacy, and heightened anti-immigration enforcement by ICE, racism and discrimination have become increasingly prevalent and dangerous for many people of colour. Black and Latine youth, in particular, are victims of disproportionate discrimination at school and in broader society, leaving parents deeply concerned about their children.

“Parents of colour have often had these [racist] experiences growing up and probably worry about their kids having them as well, and that worry might be associated with psychological outcomes or different behaviours,” N. Keita Christophe, an assistant professor in McGill’s Department of Psychology, said in an interview with The Tribune.

This worry can take on many different forms, depending on social circumstances as well as parents’ own experiences with racism. 

“Parents can worry about their kids getting discriminated against by teachers,” Christophe said. “They can worry about […] their kids experiencing police violence. Some of them might even worry that their kids will discriminate against other kids.”

Due to a lack of tools to assess parents’ concerns about their children’s experiences of racism, Christophe and his collaborators sought to measure how parents worry about their children’s discrimination. Their goal was to observe whether different types of worry reflect distinct concerns about racial discrimination.

The researchers used a scale called Worries About Racial Profiling (WARP) to assess the types of worries parents have, surveying Black and Latine parents in the United States who have a child aged 10 to 18. Parents reported on their concerns about their children facing discrimination, their own discriminatory experiences, and how they talk to their children about race and racism.

The team worked to determine whether the different survey items correlated with one another—whether they cluster into distinct dimensions or operate in distinct spheres. Their findings suggest that the different types of worries are closely related. Importantly, the measure also performed well across both Black and Latine racial groups and accounted for biases.

“A lot of times, [in psychology], the measures that we use […] have not been tested to see if they have a bias for or against certain groups, but if we want to compare groups on different things that we care about, we want to make sure our measures work equally and do not introduce that bias,” Christophe said.

The researchers also explored how these worries relate to other aspects of the parents’ lives. Parents who expressed greater concern about their children were more likely to have experienced discrimination themselves and to have more frequent conversations with their children about coping with racism. Notably, higher levels of parental worry were also associated with depressive symptoms in parents.

One strength of this study is that it targeted people across different geographical areas, capturing how racialized experiences vary across regions.

However, the study did not evaluate parental worries in Asian families. Asian individuals typically face different stereotypes, such as the “model minority” myth, a harmful stereotype which undermines the discrimination Asian people experience by framing them as intelligent and hardworking. Because discrimination can take distinct forms across racial groups, future work should focus on developing more inclusive measures that reflect a broader range of racialized experiences.

Looking ahead, Christophe recommends studying how parents’ worries about discrimination evolve as their children grow older. They expect concerns to grow during their children’s adolescence, as teenagers often spend more time outside the home and face greater exposure to other adults as well as the police.

More broadly, Christophe situated his work within a paradigm shift in psychology. Historically, racialized communities were excluded from psychology research or treated as inferior to the white population. Today, more academics are focusing on the cultural strengths of Black, Latine, and other racialized communities—a critical area which must continue to be studied to progress towards an equitable society.

“As much as it is important to focus on things related to racism and discrimination, I would say it is even more important to focus on positive aspects,” Christophe said. “That is a lot of what my other work does, looking at cultural pride and identity and how you instill that in kids and in families.”

News

Pro-Palestine student activists  face legal charges for occupying James Administration Building

by Josette Chandler on

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On June 7, 2024, 15 McGill students were arrested for occupying the third floor of the James Administration building in protest during the solidarity encampment for Palestine, and 13—referred to as the ‘Palestine 13’— continue to face criminal charges today, with legal fees amounting to $40,000 CAD. Students for Palestine’s Honour and Resistance (SPHR) at McGill, an advocacy group on campus that has organized multiple pro-Palestine demonstrations, is now campaigning to raise money for the Palestine 13’s ongoing legal battle. 

During the summer of 2024, over 100 McGill students participated in a solidarity encampment for Palestine, lasting from April 27 to July 10. The specific protest in question took place on June 6 outside the James Administration building, initially with approximately 50 students. 13 students entered the building, leading to their arrest for breaking and entering, and an additional two were arrested for obstruction of police work.  Shortly after, Service de police de la Ville de Montréal (SPVM) officers arrived at the scene in riot gear, employing tear gas and pepper spray to disperse the crowd. 

In a written response to The Tribune, a spokesperson from McGill’s Media Relations Office (MRO) stated that McGill did not and does not intend to infringe upon students’ right to protest, unless the given demonstration appears to be unsafe or negatively impacts the university’s learning environment.

“McGill is committed to upholding students’ rights to freedom of expression and peaceful assembly in the context of student activism,” the spokesperson wrote. “At the same time, both McGill and the [Students’ Society of McGill University] unequivocally condemn any acts of protest involving vandalism, violence, intimidation, or the obstruction of teaching, learning, research, and other core academic activities.”

Profs4Palestine, a collective of McGill professors in support of Palestine, disagrees with the actions taken by McGill and SPVM against the Palestine 13, who were protesting in support of defunding the genocide in Gaza. 

“All spaces are inherently political—campuses are no different from anywhere else in society. Those of us who work in universities largely believe in using campus spaces as places for open exchange, the debate of ideas, and locations for learning,” a representative from Profs4Palestine wrote to The Tribune. “A political space does not mean that people of a wide variety of views, positions, and politics cannot work together—the opposite in fact. It’s important that we do not try to claim a false neutrality for university campuses, it will not bring about the learning that needs to happen there.”

Across the United States and Canada, pro-Palestine protests have sparked hundreds of arrests. While public opinion generally supports students’ right to protest—a poll by the Angus Reid Institute found that 81 per cent of Canadians are ‘OK’  with student protests—police are still readily employed to stop these demonstrations. 

Francis Rose Zeitoun, a U3 student in the Faculty of Agricultural and Environmental Science involved with student group Mac Community For Collective Activism, stated in an interview with The Tribune that McGill’s response to protests on campus is against the spirit of the university and disrespectful to the student body as a whole.  

“Since getting to McGill a few years ago, I’ve seen the administration pick profit over people over and over again,” said Zeitoun. “Using our academic labour and tuition money to support things we have demanded and screamed for you to divest from is deplorable. McGill is not the administration, McGill is the students who’ve come and gone, the students who’ve worked hard to make campus a better place, the students who go forward in life with a McGill degree. To see the administration suing the students over what we want is enraging because they are not McGill, we are.”

Arts & Entertainment, Culture, Music, Pop Rhetoric

Bad Bunny’s Puerto Rican pride combats hateful rhetoric

by Lia James on

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The Super Bowl has long been an annual time of excitement for both Americans and international football fans alike. Although some love the opportunity to get together with friends and family to passionately root for their team, others with no interest in football still tune in for the halftime show. The musical performance during the game’s halftime has hosted acts by many iconic artists such as Prince, Michael Jackson, and Beyoncé. Even weeks later, this year’s performance by Bad Bunny still resonates. 

Bad Bunny is a Puerto Rican rapper and singer who rose to fame after releasing his 2016 song “Diles.” Today, he has six solo studio albums and is the only artist to have been named Spotify’s number one Global Top Artist four times. Bad Bunny’s music honours and celebrates Latine culture, denouncing American imperialism and the ongoing effects of colonialism—especially in his most recent album, DeBí TiRAR MáS FOToS. 

Throughout his Super Bowl performance, the staging itself venerated his Puerto Rican heritage. The set, a field of tall grass, paid homage to Latino labour—a reference to sugar cane extraction, which was collected through slave labour in the Americas. Bad Bunny also had actors play roles across many different industries dominated by Latino workers, including construction, food service, and more. In spotlighting labour that is often overlooked, the artist created a space of acknowledgement and appreciation for those workers and the generations before who have toiled in these workforces. 

Bad Bunny also celebrated love during his performance. He invited one lucky couple to get married on the football field, which ended with the introduction of Lady Gaga’s performance of Die With a Smile. This is a stunning example of how celebrities can use their fame to make others’ dreams come true. It also highlights how love in the face of hatred can encourage others to combat political polarization through community building.

One of the most noteworthy segments of the performance featured a Latino boy and his father watching Bad Bunny’s recent Grammy acceptance speech, where he discussed the vital impact of immigrants on American success, condemning ICE’s violent treatment of citizens and non-citizens alike, and advocating for the celebration of multiculturalism. Bad Bunny was the first artist to win Album of the Year for a fully Spanish album. Amidst the rise of anti-immigrant sentiment and prejudice towards Latin Americans, Bad Bunny serves as a model of Latino resilience and accomplishment for immigrants and youth. This inclusion highlights the importance of representation as a way to dismantle stereotypes that dehumanize marginalized groups. 

As Bad Bunny concluded his performance, he gave a shoutout to every country in the Americas. Naming them in geographic order from south to north, his final shoutout went to his home of Puerto Rico. As he exited the stage with a group of musicians and dancers carrying flags of the Americas, he sang the chorus of his song “DtMF”, filling the field with the elation of North and South American cultural diversity, forever marking this performance. On the stadium’s jumbotron, the message “The Only Thing More Powerful Than Hate is Love” shone in large print while Bad Bunny held a football that read the message “Together, We Are America.”

Bad Bunny’s display of pan-Americanism is particularly impactful during a time of intense division. Over time, global superpowers, specifically the U.S., have revealed prejudice towards Latin American communities, as evidenced by the increasing atrocities committed by ICE. Bad Bunny’s theme of unity in the face of hatred sends the message that everyone should have a place in America—the nation’s cultural diversity is its greatest strength.

Student Life

Battling the McGill cold 

by Brooke Barak on

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Have you noticed yourself sniffling or coughing more? Is the back of your throat starting to get that feeling? I hate to be the bearer of bad news, but you probably have the McGill cold. This bothersome illness can last from about five days to two months and can feel like a minor drag or the worst sickness you’ve ever experienced. With midterm season upon us, it’s more important than ever to develop your toolkit against this pesky winter inevitability. The Tribune has compiled four pro-tips to combat the notorious McGill cold.  

Get yourself a flu shot

The first and most important thing is to try to prevent the illness before it reaches you. Getting a flu shot at the beginning of the school year is an effective preventative measure to stave off influenza and strengthen your immune system. Although vaccinations may seem inaccessible, they’re more in reach than they may seem. Jean Coutu pharmacies offer free flu vaccinations by appointment, and there are a few right near McGill’s downtown campus! Getting vaccinated is easy and will do wonders to fend off the wretched McGill cold. 

Book a consultation with the McGill Student Wellness Hub

Want to talk to a medical professional? Call McGill’s Student Wellness Hub. They provide online or in-person consultations and can diagnose or prescribe you with the appropriate medication for whatever symptoms you’re facing. But be ready: Appointments fill up quickly. Set your alarm for 8:20 a.m., as the hub opens at 8:30 a.m. and your best chance at getting the earliest appointment is to be the first person on their line.  

Do not go out

Even if you already bought your Café Campus or New City Gas ticket, you should take the weekend off. This is easier said than done when you’ve already paid $25 CAD for an “early bird” cover charge, but pushing yourself to go out will only exacerbate your symptoms. Plus, being in a crowded environment like a club could allow the illness to spread, inevitably putting your fellow students and friends at risk. Instead, rest at home—binge the series you’ve been meaning to watch or catch up on some work you’ve been procrastinating; drink a cup of “throat coat” tea and go to bed early. A good night’s sleep will give your body more time to redirect its energy towards your immune system, strengthen it, and help you recover more quickly. Trust me, you’ll thank yourself in the morning. 

Indulge in nutritious comfort foods

When recovering from a cold, a steamy broth will be your best friend. Soothe your throat and your soul and get on Uber Eats to order some hot, comforting chicken noodle soup from Snowdon Deli. If anything is going to cure you, it’ll be the warm broth from one of Montreal’s most famous Jewish delis. Alternatively, some warm lentil soup will put your throat at ease, and its health benefits will strengthen your body for a speedier recovery. Remember to eat Vitamin-C-rich foods or take supplements.

Battling the McGill cold can be a long, hard fight. Whether it’s the infamous “Frosh Flu” or the feared finals season cold, the sickness will always find you. It’s crucial to take care of yourself to recover during this inevitable period. And remember, it is just as important to take preventative measures as it is to ask for help. Call on friends and family to help you through your battle against the multitude of winter illnesses! You shouldn’t have to fight a dreaded sickness alone. Follow these tips and hopefully your fight will be a little less wearing.  

Student Life, Word on the Y

Word on the Y: What McGillians are saying about the end of the Legault era

by Parisa Rasul on

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Quebec Premier Francois Legault announced on Jan. 14 that he would be stepping down from his position after eight years as the head of the Coalition Avenir Québec (CAQ), a leadership emblazoned by the weaponization of identity politics and controversy. Through various legislative agendas,  Legault forged a path rooted in partisan nationalism, rallying for the preservation of a Quebec identity through measures such as Bill 96 and Bill 21, which solidified his attachment to conservative secularism and nationalism. 

It is no surprise that rampant discussion has emerged from such controversies. That is why The Tribune took to the Y to see what McGillians have to say about Legault’s resignation and the future of Quebec. 

Camila Sierra, U1 Arts, reflected on the impact of Quebec’s restrictive legislation.

“It’s a relief, honestly, knowing that he’s resigning, and I hope that the values he’s taking with him are these very narrow-minded and conservative values that represent mostly white, richer parts of the population. I hope the values that are introduced are more inclusive and more intentional policies that don’t only focus on secularism […] [because] they weren’t really considering the kinds of populations that would be affected by the law [Bill 21] directly.”

Passed in 2019, Bill 21 bars public sector workers such as judges, police officers, prison guards, and teachers from wearing religious symbols while at work. However, under the guise of creating a secular province, the act disproportionately impacts religious minorities.

Bill 21 represents Quebec’s living history of racism and xenophobia still attempting to restrict the religious liberties of minorities today. It posits strict secularism as the standard, thus rendering outward expressions of faith by religious minorities more easily condemnable while purporting to be a policy of progression and equality. 

Jacintha Dykes, U4 Arts, discussed the implications of an identity-obsessed government as other issues continue to negatively impact Quebec residents and students in the province.

“I remember the tuition hikes, a couple years ago. That caused a lot of panic. I don’t think it’s productive to […] favour one part of the population over another. I think that it just creates a lot of division […] [and] distracts from actual issues.”

Vanessa Charleston, U1 Science, explained her own experience with Quebec language laws and how they shaped her early education.

“Going to an English school in Quebec my entire life, I have noticed that our schools just don’t get any funding. [Kids in Quebec typically] all go to French schools because [Legault] only wants kids to go to French schools [….] When I was a kid just starting school, my mom was going to put me into French school, but then she thought that there was not enough English for me to learn because they only do, at least from when I was a kid, roughly three hours of English a week.”

As of 2026, the Quebec government has maintained its 33 per cent tuition hike for out-of-province students enrolling in English universities. This not only discourages out-of-province Canadian students from attending top institutions like McGill, but also puts a financial strain on the university due to decreased application rates. By attempting to maintain a francophone majority, the government has instrumentalized and abused educational institutions to reestablish a narrow Quebec identity. 

Legault will remain the official Premier of Quebec until the election of his successor in April of 2026. The consensus on campus is clear: The CAQ must reevaluate its priorities and put forth a candidate ready to confront longstanding systemic issues in the province, from its healthcare shortage, the housing crisis, and a struggling education sector.

Editorial, Opinion

Ferrada’s austerity must not threaten accessibility

by The Tribune Editorial Board on

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Mayor Soraya Martinez Ferrada’s 2026 budget implemented a 90 per cent reduction in funding for Montreal’s universal mobility program, an initiative dedicated to making public spaces accessible for individuals with reduced mobility. Ferrada’s administration allocated $354,000 CAD in funding for 2026 and has planned $0 CAD for 2027, severely compromising accessibility.

Ferrada’s minuscule budget allocation for mobility notably pales in comparison to the $3 million CAD the Plante administration had dedicated annually to the program. This funding has been critical in developing accessible infrastructure to support individuals with disabilities and injuries, the elderly, and parents with strollers.

The Ferrada government has eradicated funding for mobility efforts in a blatant violation of equality rights as enshrined in the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms. These policies—mirrored by the failure of public institutions such as the Société de transport de Montréal (STM) and McGill University to offer sufficient programming for physical accessibility—reveal a broad neglect for the principle of universal mobility and must be rectified immediately.

Universal mobility entails access to one’s place of work and schooling, as well as to recreational third spaces. Under this fundamental standard, governments and institutions, public and private, are legally obligated to ensure dignity for those with reduced mobility.

The Accessible Canada Act mandates the identification and removal of barriers to accessibility, as well as the prevention of new barriers. When physical barriers to mobility persist, they bear compounding repercussions on one’s ability to seek employment, receive medical care, obtain an education, or even access public transportation.

The STM has implemented cuts to accessibility that mirror and are directly derived from the municipal government’s budget reductions, demonstrating how Ferrada’s actions will have a ripple effect in exacerbating barriers to accessibility in Montreal. Ferrada’s 2026 budget allocated $1.8 billion CAD for the STM—a six per cent increase in the city’s contribution to public transit, but still short of the funding needed to ensure the metro runs effectively. As a result, the STM has greatly reduced its accessible mobility options at stations and in transit vehicles. In April 2025, the STM implemented what it stated would be the metro system’s last universal accessibility project due to budget cuts, despite only 30 of the 68 stations in the metro network currently being universally accessible.

In 2017, the Regroupement des activistes pour l’inclusion au Québec filed a class-action lawsuit over wheelchair accessibility in STM metros, seeking $1.5 billion CAD in damages. However, after almost ten years of legal proceedings, the Quebec Superior Court dismissed the class action. The Court acknowledged that discrimination against individuals with disabilities had occurred, but stated that transit agencies were investing in accessibility to the best of their abilities given their limited budgets. While pressure to meet budgetary obligations can necessitate some austerity measures, the Charter rights of individuals with disabilities or impaired mobility cannot be made dispensable under financial constraint.

The STM still requires those using paratransit or other accessible public transportation alternatives to complete an accessibility form as far as 45 days in advance, with the expectation that individuals provide medical proof of their need for these services. For people with temporary injuries or those who lack health insurance and are unable to obtain documentation, these requirements render public transit completely inaccessible.

The municipal government’s neglect is closely paralleled at an institutional level. McGill, despite continuously claiming dedication to accessibility, still lacks sufficient programming to ensure nondiscriminatory mobility options on its campus. The university’s current mobility programming requires students to tirelessly advocate for their own accessibility needs to receive bare-minimum accommodations, as several buildings lack directly wheelchair-accessible entrances. Further, students must present medical documentation to prove eligibility for its adapted transport service program, reducing the accessibility of these accommodations.

Critically, students and residents pay tuition and taxes even when they are unable to access and enjoy the public spaces and services these contributions are financing. Taking payments from individuals with reduced mobility without dedicating a meaningful portion of tuition and tax dollars toward ensuring equitable access is unethical and negligent. The Ferrada government—and McGill—must end its chronic disregard for the rights, needs, and experiences of individuals living with impaired mobility, and allocate sufficient funding for accessibility projects within public and private spaces.

News, Recap

Recap: Laila Parsons presents seminar on 1917 Gaza

by Devdas Hind on

More in News:

On Feb. 19, the Montreal British History Seminar hosted “Gaza 1917.” Laila Parsons, a decorated historian specializing in 20th-century Middle Eastern history and professor in the Department of History and Classical Studies and the Institute of Islamic Studies, led the seminar. 

Parsons prefaced the talk by specifying that the conquest of Palestine in 1917 should not be understood as a distant part of World War I history or as a heroic British victory over the Ottoman Empire. Rather, she argues that the conquest represents a foreign incursion.

“[The conquest stands as] an alien invasion and occupation, and as the material starting point of the colonization of Palestine,” Parsons stated.

She maintained that, from the perspective of Palestinians, the invasion represented a rupture in which they lost the structure that came with Ottoman rule. The British encouraged the expansion and acquisition of land from Zionist settler colonies initially established under the Ottoman Empire in the late nineteenth century.

“The promise of a national home for the Jewish people in Palestine was meaningless without the military occupation that first conquered the land and then protected the settler community, at least until 1939,” Parsons said.

Parsons then clarified that the British had initially been waging a defensive war against Ottoman attacks on the Suez Canal. However, this had changed by the spring of 1917.

“The earliest point [would be] when the British Prime Minister David Lloyd George started talking about ‘wanting Jerusalem as a Christmas present,’” Parsons said.

The British continued their advance into what they understood as the ‘Near East,’ taking Jerusalem, then Damascus, and eventually the whole of Syria. 

The conquest’s extent is exemplified in Parsons’ quoting of General Edmund Allenby, a high-ranking British officer. 

“I can occupy any strategic points I like,” Parsons read from a letter written by Allenby. “I have the military administration of Syria and Palestine.” 

The presentation concluded with an account of the strained peace in the postwar period. Parsons described cataclysmic famine, destruction of essential infrastructure, and a Palestinian future dictated by the brutal British military occupation—factors which led to the termination of the British Mandate for Palestine, the unilateral declaration of Israeli independence, and the 1948 Nakba—to put into context how the consequences of the British conquest of Palestine persist today.

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